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"Learning the game of power requires a certain way of looking at the world, a shifting of perspective," writes Robert Greene. Mastery of one's emotions and the arts of deception and indirection are, he goes on to assert, essential. The 48 laws outlined in this book "have a simple premise: certain actions always increase one's power ... while others decrease it and even ruin us."
The laws cull their principles from many great schemers--and scheming instructors--throughout history, from Sun-Tzu to Talleyrand, from Casanova to con man Yellow Kid Weil. They are straightforward in their amoral simplicity: "Get others to do the work for you, but always take the credit," or "Discover each man's thumbscrew." Each chapter provides examples of the consequences of observance or transgression of the law, along with "keys to power," potential "reversals" (where the converse of the law might also be useful), and a single paragraph cleverly laid out to suggest an image (such as the aforementioned thumbscrew); the margins are filled with illustrative quotations. Practitioners of one-upmanship have been given a new, comprehensive training manual, as up-to-date as it is timeless.
Book Description
Amoral, cunning, ruthless, and instructive, this piercing work distills three thousand years of the history of power in to forty-eight well explicated laws. As attention--grabbing in its design as it is in its content, this bold volume outlines the laws of power in their unvarnished essence, synthesizing the philosophies of Machiavelli, Sun-tzu, Carl von Clausewitz, and other great thinkers. Some laws teach the need for prudence ("Law 1: Never Outshine the Master"), the virtue of stealth ("Law 3: Conceal Your Intentions"), and many demand the total absence of mercy ("Law 15: Crush Your Enemy Totally"), but like it or not, all have applications in real life. Illustrated through the tactics of Queen Elizabeth I, Henry Kissinger, P. T. Barnum, and other famous figures who have wielded--or been victimized by--power, these laws will fascinate any reader interested in gaining, observing, or defending against ultimate control.
Customer Reviews:
Made up stories.......2007-10-12
The book is interesting but most of the stories sound made up to fit the author's point. He even admits in one of the last chapters that when something has happened in the past, you can reinterpret it and insert your own lines (p.397).
VERY USEFUL IF YOU ARE NEW TO A BIG CITY.......2007-10-08
The world as battle-field. It doesn't get any better than this if success is what you're looking for!
Disgusting! Don't buy this book!.......2007-10-06
If you want a guide on how to be manipulative, amoral and corrupt at everyone else's expense...this is for you. As for me, I was disgusted from page one....it goes completely against everything I believe in. "Never put too much trust in friends" ...must be awfully lonely in such a world where you can trust no one. Perhaps that's because you've stabbed everyone in the back. This "looking out for #1" at all costs is what is wrong with the world today. If any book EVER deserved to be burned...this is it!
Portrays a realistic view of the world while rising up in power........2007-09-16
When I first acquired this book, I delved into the text and was fascinated by what is never taught in school, hardly at work, even with people; as this book states wisely, many people would like to keep to themselves and therefore many who have power hardly share it, unless a deal is behind it. The book itself may be a paradox in parts, and the methods used may be controversial; yet it has the essential basic "training" in order to strive to the top.
Sometimes one wonders if this will work, or does this author fool us into purchasing this book. It may show a pessimistic world of beguile, secrecy, envy and greed; however this portrays a realistic view of the world while rising up in power.
Brilliantly written, with worthy examples of great thinkers, philosophers and military officials of history; this concise edition will keep you on the ground reading, whilst teaching you how to propel in the air and on top of the world.
USMC- Commandant's reading list.......2007-07-25
In the interest of full disclosure, I'm Army - 16yrs. From 2000 thru 2006 I was stationed in Okinawa and the best place for all service members to buy books so deployed (Amazon aside) was from the bookstore on Camp Foster (across from the movie theatre). For at least a good 6 months (in 2002) this book was prominently featured on the shelves with a tag identifying it as having made the USMC Commandant's Reading List (or, a book senior commisioned Marine Corps leadership consider beneficial to Marines (enlisted and commisioned) seeking guidance on professional development). Intrigued, I bought it. I won't go into a lengthy review here: in a nutshell; the book lists a series of TTPs (tactics, techniques and procedures) designed to maximize one's advantage when negotiating interpersonal realationships both professional and personal. Some of these TTPs involve elements of manipulation, subterfuge, and dishonesty that clearly cross the boundaries of unethical behavior. It bothered me not just a little that Marines or Soldiers (young and old) might consider using the advice in this book as means of advancing their careers or solidifying leadership positions within their respective units.
I do know some of the book's reccomendations are in direct conflict with The Army Values, and according to at least two USMC Staff NCOs (both good friends) this is also the case regarding their own code of professional conduct. One of the Marines in question wrote a letter (to whom -I don't know) expressing his concern. A few months later the book assumed a less prominent residence on the shelves. Nonetheless; I never failed to see it lodged in the odd bookshelf in someone's (usually an officer) professional space - from time to time. I consider its presence an indicator for stepping up one's vigilance when dealing with the books's owner.
Book Description
Marking a major development in Foucault's thinking, this book derives from the lecture course which he gave at the Collège de France between January and April, 1978. Taking as his starting point the notion of "bio-power," introduced in his 1976 course Society Must be Defended, Foucault sets out to study the foundations of this new technology of power over population. Distinct from punitive, disciplinary systems, the mechanisms of power are here finely entwined with the technologies of security, and it is to 18th century developments of these technologies with which the first chapters of the book are concerned. By the fourth lecture however Foucault's attention turns, focusing on a history of "governmentality" from the first centuries of the Christian era to the emergence of the modern nation state. As Michel Sennelart explains in his afterword, the effect of this change of direction is to "shift the center of gravity of the lectures from the question of biopower to that of government, to such an extent that the former almost entirely eclipses the former ..." Consequently, in light of Foucault's later work, it is tempting to see these lectures as the moment of a radical turning point at which the transition to the problematic of the "government of self and others" would begin.
Customer Reviews:
Biopower and Governmentality.......2007-06-08
A must for understanding the notions of biopower, biopolitics, and governmentality in Foucault's corpus.
Book Description
In this landmark book, Scott Page redefines the way we understand ourselves in relation to one another. The Difference is about how we think in groups--and how our collective wisdom exceeds the sum of its parts. Why can teams of people find better solutions than brilliant individuals working alone? And why are the best group decisions and predictions those that draw upon the very qualities that make each of us unique? The answers lie in diversity--not what we look like outside, but what we look like within, our distinct tools and abilities.
The Difference reveals that progress and innovation may depend less on lone thinkers with enormous IQs than on diverse people working together and capitalizing on their individuality. Page shows how groups that display a range of perspectives outperform groups of like-minded experts. Diversity yields superior outcomes, and Page proves it using his own cutting-edge research. Moving beyond the politics that cloud standard debates about diversity, he explains why difference beats out homogeneity, whether you're talking about citizens in a democracy or scientists in the laboratory. He examines practical ways to apply diversity's logic to a host of problems, and along the way offers fascinating and surprising examples, from the redesign of the Chicago "El" to the truth about where we store our ketchup.
Page changes the way we understand diversity--how to harness its untapped potential, how to understand and avoid its traps, and how we can leverage our differences for the benefit of all.
Customer Reviews:
An important book.......2007-08-26
The Difference is a surprising book in that it is written in a manner that is is approachable by a fairly broad audience, but it does not sacrifice much in the way of the rigor that is expected from a book written for an academic audience. I am glad that this is the case, as this book deserves a wide readership. It provides a systematic case for the practical benefits of diversity. Insofar as we can think of ourselves as facing sufficiently difficult epistemic problems - particularly those of prediction - we can make ourselves better off by ensuring that our groups of problem-solvers are diverse in relevant respects. Page puts forth two major claims in the book, but unlike most, his claims are backed both by computer simulation and mathematical proof. The first claim is that diverse agents can do better in predictive problems than homogeneous groups. The second, far more interesting claim, is that diverse groups can do better than groups comprised of the most "able". Naturally, these claims must be understood within their scope. Page is scrupulous about demonstrating when these theorems obtain and when they do not.
This book is particularly exciting for its potential to change the frame of several large debates. Insofar as his theorems can apply to real social situations, we can see that, for purely epistemic reasons, we all have something to gain from diverse teams and societies.
Scott Page's writing is fresh, thoughtful and provocative. This book is a dash of pepper........2007-06-27
Viva la Difference! Scott Page takes us on a really enagaging tour that examines why diversity matters. You thought the subject was simple? Well it is if you think in terms of the usual ways we pigeon-hole each other (gender, race) but as Page quickly shows us - diversity can be framed in many, many more ways: and more than that - he can show proof after proof for why it makes a positive difference.
What I love is his entertaining command of language, his knowledge of the subject and his clear enthusiasm for the topic. This is one of those books that, alongside the likes of Blink, Wisdom of Crowds and Tipping Point, deserves wide reading and social influence. In many ways it is an unabashed (and welcome) celebration of human-ness. Recommended.
A compelling argument for diversity.......2007-05-25
Are two heads better than one? Or do too many cooks spoil the broth? For a large class of problems, argues mathematician and social scientist Scott E. Page, two heads are better. That is the benefit of diversity, particularly cognitive diversity. Skeptical? You won't be after you follow Page's methodical, quirky and often funny analysis of diversity's logic. We recommend this book to readers who want a truly rigorous, formal description of how diversity brings benefits to organizations. Be prepared, however, to encounter much math-speak (for example when he asks readers to "Consider an arbitrary sno-cone design denoted by P"). The author also notes that some of the models showing the impact of diversity that he cites in the book have been tested via computer simulation only, and not in practical settings. Still, Page's results are innovative and beautiful, he maps out inviting avenues for further exploration, and brings welcome clarity to the important and contentious issues raised by human diversity.
An important work on diversity.......2007-05-12
I am not a fan of much of the work on diversity. It tends to distort reasonable choices and is imbued with a host of PC language which makes gross leaps of faith. But I believe very deeply in assuring the widest range of people the broadest range of opportunity. Scott E Page, a faculty member at Michigan has done a wonderful book which in a careful way demonstrates significant benefits from encouraging a wide variety of backgrounds and approaches to participate in decisions. Page is a researcher, so he carefully lays out his research. But he also adds to it a thoughtful framework for his thinking.
This book could be read in parallel with The Wisdom of Crowds, James Suroweicki's excellent book on the increasing need for shared decisions and the ultimate ability of rightly structured groups to make better decisions than individuals. But Page adds to Suroweicki's original ideas. I bought several copies of Page's book for my friends.
thoughtful, original, substantiated.......2007-05-01
Scott Page has taken a topic which is inherently personal, emotional, and political to many people and has provided a thoughtful, logical and substantiated way to consider it. By making a more precise case for the types of diversity that are helpful in problem-solving, and for the types of problems it does help to solve, he makes a more powerful case than any blanket statements or political rhetoric could ever do. This book is required reading for anyone interested in creating a more effective organization, group, or society.
Book Description
Drawing from a power elite perspective and the latest empirical data, Domhoff’s classic text is an invaluable tool for teaching students about how power operates in U.S. society. Domhoff argues that the owners and top-level managers in large income-producing properties are far and away the dominant figures in the U.S. Their corporations, banks, and agribusinesses come together as a corporate community that dominates the federal government in Washington and their real estate, construction, and land development companies form growth coalitions that dominate most local governments. By providing empirical evidence for his argument, Domhoff encourages students to think critically about the power structure in American society and its implications for our democracy.
Customer Reviews:
No significant diff. between 4th and 5th edition.......2007-08-23
I would have given this a 5 star except there is no big difference between this edition and the previous one. We use this book in our econ class, students are told it's ok to buy either edition.
An Indispensable Exposé on How Our Democracy REALLY Works!.......2006-05-13
Professor Domhoff poses (and answers) these questions:
- Is there a wealthy class in America? If so, do they connect in any empirical way with huge corporations, financial institutions, and large agribusinesses?
- How can a highly competitive group of corporate leaders cooperate enough to work their common will in the political and policy arenas?
- How is it possible for these groups to exert so much influence in a supposedly free and democratic society?
The answers to these questions are not secret, but neither are they everyday news. With the aid of sociological and empirical studies, Domhoff describes the extensive interlocking relationships between the very wealthy class, huge corporations, trade organizations, policy planning organizations, think tanks, and the many ways they influence (and even merge with) our government. After reading this book, one might wonder if the welfare of the common people is ever taken into account in government decisions. And that is the point. Indeed, Domhoff clearly demonstrates that most policy battles in government, though cloaked in rhetoric about the general welfare, are actually fights among different moneyed and powerful interests when their usual interrelationships and consensus building organizations (above) are unable to produce a united front.
For a focus on how corporate power has gained control in diverse policy areas in Congress, see recently published (5/1/06) Hostile Takeover: How Big Money and Corruption Conquered Our Government -- and How We Take It Back by David Sirota. With unusual clarity, Sirota's book also lays bare the myths and lies that corporations and bought-off politicians use to mask the self-serving nature of policies and to promote public acquiescence. Another excellent book, Captive State: The Corporate Takeover of Britain by George Monbiot, underscores the worldwide nature of this problem.
This book also has an informative website at www.whorulesamerica.net.
Picks up the baton of C. Wright Mills.......2006-01-27
This is a tremendously well-written examination of the structure of power in America. It continues the ideas of Mills but with more of the empirical and less of the theoretical. A MUST-READ for anyone who claims to know how America is ruled. Simply stated--if this book doesn't get your blood boiling and move you to action then you have no right to complain about the present state of the American political system.
Essential reading to understand power in America.......2005-02-23
In this book, Domhoff investigates where the power lies in America. He defines the 3 indicators of power, 'Who Benefits', 'Who Governs', and 'Who Wins' as the basis for determining who holds power. At the end of Chapter 1, Domhoff briefly summarizes the main points of the book:
"Using membership network analysis, this book attempts to show there is a corporate community (Chapter 2) that is the basis for a social upper class (Chapter 3). This intertwined corporate community and social upper class have developed a policy-planning network (Chapter 4) and an opinion-shaping network (Chapter 5) that give them the means to win a majority of seats in the electoral process (Chapter 6) and to shape the policies of interest to them within the federal government (Chapter 7)."
The arguments made here are very well researched, with quantitative analysis of how corporate leaders are linked with each other through their common elite socialization and self-interests, corporate directorship positions, foundation trustee status, policy planning groups, and government positions.
Domhoff gives the subject of power an honest and insightful treatment. After reading this book, I can't imagine a more logical and convincing description of how the unequal distribution of power in America is maintained, and further consolidated. Given its $30 price tag for less than 300 page paperback, I'd check the library before buying this one. Still, highly recommended!
Book Description
Theories of international relations, assumed to be universally applicable, have failed to explain the creation of states in Africa. There, the interaction of power and space is dramatically different from what occurred in Europe. In his groundbreaking book, Jeffrey Herbst places the African state-building process in a truly comparative perspective, examining the problem of state consolidation from the precolonial period, through the short but intense interlude of European colonialism, to the modern era of independent states. Herbst's bold contention--that the conditions now facing African state-builders existed long before European penetration of the continent--is sure to provoke controversy, for it runs counter to the prevailing assumption that colonialism changed everything.
In identifying how the African state-building process differs from the European experience, Herbst addresses the fundamental problem confronting African leaders: how to extend authority over sparsely settled lands. Indeed, efforts to exert control over vast, inhospitable territories of low population density and varied environmental and geographical zones have resulted in devastating wars, millions of refugees, and dysfunctional governments perpetrating destructive policies.
Detailing the precise political calculations of distinct African leaders, Herbst isolates the basic dynamics of African state development. In analyzing how these leaders have attempted to consolidate power, he is able to evaluate a variety of policy alternatives for dealing with the fundamental political challenges facing African states today.
Customer Reviews:
Proto-States and Unconsolidated-Power in Africa.......2006-05-18
In States and Power in Africa, Jeffrey Herbst frequently uses the term "international system." An instinctive reading of the term may lead to the idea of "international community" (another term that is frequently seen in the text), and there are moments in Herbst's narrative that seem to support this interpretation. Yet Herbst repeatedly stresses the importance of state development in Africa to the international system : does he mean to say that the rise and fall of Zaire or Mali are seismic events in the world community?
In fact, I would posit, "international system " refers to more than just one type of international system in Herbst book. Sometimes, the term refers to the Westphalia state model. Other times, it refers to a model that is specific to Africa only. Yet there are still moments when the term is used to mean a "meta-international system" that incorporates both the European and the African models.
First, Herbst recognizes that the Western states and the African states are fundamentally different. The Western states are built on the establishment and mutual recognition of sovereignty. But in Africa, many states have only limited sovereignty at best. For example, many African governments are effective only in urban areas; they have a hard time collecting taxes; some cannot even enforce a single currency within their borders (p226). But most telling of all: African states do not always have a monopoly on the use of force (p255).
Second, Herbst describes how the subsequently formed Western international system is equally different from the African international system. Whereas the Western system is bound together by the threat of anarchy and violence, the African system is more loosely organized but has a tradition of cooperation (p26). Although Herbst repeatedly assures us that, "fundamentally, there is nothing exotic about African politics," (p31) there is nevertheless an overwhelming sense of "otherness" in how Herbst portrays the relationship between the Western and the African international systems. For example, Herbst states at one point, "It will ... be up to the Africans to come up with alternatives to the nation-state. However, the international community can play an important role ..." (p269) If the Africans are truly part of the international community, then why the "However," but not "The rest of"?
Third, in order to have the two international systems (Western and the African) working together, Herbst urges the world to embrace a new system in which sovereignty is no longer a prerequisite (p269). To paraphrase Herbst: if the power or control is exercised within a sub-national unit (a tribe or a region, for example) why can't the international agencies engage the sub-national unit directly? Assuming Herbst's definition of engagement includes the representation of those units (or we are back to the Colonial days), he is in effect proposing a different international system--a meta-system as I termed earlier--that is a mishmash of sovereign states and non-sovereign polities. This meta-system is what he has in mind when he theorizes the relationship between state development and international system (p27).
The metamorphosis of the term "international system" reveals a fault line in Herbst's work: in essence, he is trying to replace an existing concept (Westphalia international system) with a new one (meta-international system) by using terminologies that are alive only within the existing concept. Sovereignty, system, state and nation are terms conceived in the West, and are laden with Western historical experiences . Using terms such as "sovereignty" to construct an international system without sovereignty is bound to cause enormous confusion.
However, the misappropriation of terminologies is only a minor transgression compared to the implication of Herbst's conclusion. What he advocates, in essence, is to relieve the suffering in Africa at the expense of state building . Yet he has failed to make the case that, without the kind of power that Western states have to mobilize resources within a secured border, the proto-states in Africa can survive in today's global economy--one that was created by and for strong states only. Consequently, even if the international community can find ways to accommodate a continent full of chiefdoms, people in Africa may find themselves forever condemned to impoverishment and dependency.
States Make Wars, Wars Make States.......2005-12-04
The scholarly literature on state creation and consolidation usually fails to account for the African experience. The central idea of this literature is that the high population density of Europe made land relatively scarce and valuable to control, particularly from the late Middle Ages onward. This and technological change in the methods of warfare (e.g., more sophisticated battle tactics and firearms) drew states into continual conflict. But warfare is costly, and early modern states required resources to attack and defend. To get money for wars, kings had to build bureaucracies, gather information, and map their territory and people. They also had to make concessions- such as creating regular parliaments where citizens could have a voice. All these things were necessary to survive. If a state did not become "stronger", then typically it became extinct. This process created the modern system of nation states with their familiar institutional infrastructures that consolidated in Europe in the nineteenth century.
Herbst's argument is that this process has not taken place in Africa. It did not take place historically in the precolonial era, it did not take place during the colonial epoch, and it is not taking place since or now. Why?
Africa is different because the structural conditions that led to the path of state formation and institution building in Europe were absent in Africa. Unlike in Europe, land was and is not scarce in Africa. Rather, labor was scarce. Thus in the precolonial period, states did not fight over land, but rather people. This meant that precolonial states had vague borders and were often very "weak". Without the constant necessity of defending a well-defined territory, states did not need to invest in bureaucracies, censuses of their populations, tax collectors, or permanent militaries.
This absence of external threats coupled with low population densities persisted. During the colonial period there was little fighting over borders between the colonial powers. The conference of Berlin in 1885 largely determined which European power would have which bit of Africa. This meant that, like the precolonial polities, European colonial powers had little incentive to develop state institutions. Instead they focused on commercial exploitation and outright plunder of the mineral and natural wealth.
Following independence, the situation could have changed but did not, because the international state system and the United Nations decided to enforce the colonial boundaries that had largely determined the form that the new nations took. This trend was reinforced by Cold War politics. Thus African states were still able to survive without having to engage in the type of institution building that occurred historically in Europe.
Herbst argues that the lack of development of African state institutions helps explain many aspects of modern Africa. Since states never had to fight to survive they never had to build effective fiscal institutions. Therefore they have no tax bases and instead have to engage in highly distortionary methods of raising taxes (such as taxing trade) or redistributing income (for example via employment in parastatals). Foreign aid or rents from oil and minerals also allowed them to stay in power without having to develop indigenous channels of accountability. States never had to make political concessions to their citizens, hence the lack of functioning domestic political institutions such as parliaments and the completely unconsolidated nature of democracy in Africa. Moreover, the lack of these institutions can help explain the extent of venality and state corruption in Africa since these institutions provide key checks on such abuses.
This book discusses not only the history and politics of state creation and consolidation, but also evaluates policy alternatives that might address some of the fundamental political challenges Africans states face today. Its contention that the international community should stand ready to accept partition or the redrawing of borders is likely to keep fueling debates in the years to come. But although the potential costs of anarchy and chaos that a territorial restructuring of Africa could bring about are legitimate concerns, they need to be weighted against the current ongoing decay that prevails in several parts of Africa and that has already ignited a process of territorial reshuffling. We may have to accept the fact that in twenty years, the map of Africa is unlikely to look like that of today and of forty years ago.
Realism for Africa.......2005-09-13
Smart and insightful - a realistic look at the causes of many of Africa's problems today, without the usual shallow laying of blame on colonialism or traditional African society. Beyond that, it makes one take a critical look at state formation and the limitations and assumptions that go with it, coming as a welcome respite from the European models of state formation that are too often foisted on the rest of the world. Others outline the content well, so I won't bother. Just to say I highly recommend it. A book of practical realities.
Overbearing.......2004-02-22
As a citizen from one of the countries in Africa, I found this book most overbearing. I confess I started to get prejudiced from the inception, when Herbst describes his arrival in the clouds, on the continent, and how he cast an eagle eye on us from the plane and began brooding about our fate. How godly!!! But I have learned to appreciate Western books on us as a portrayal of Western gaze, rather than a portrayal of our realities. As such, the book is interesting, although it reaches certain conclusions (decertifying states, dumping the Addis rules, all this under outside compulsion) that, given the current propensities of the American government, should be considered by any African patriot as extremely dangerous.
Good Book.......2003-03-03
Drawing heavily upon the work of Charles Tilly, the most attrctive aspect of Herbst's work is the eloquence of his thesis: the application of theories of european state formation to the African state system. Herbst argues persuasivly that the problem with state boundaries in Africa is not that they are too weak, but that they are too strong. Indeed, it is the case with most states in sub-saharen Africa that there is a gap between the area that they are supposed to govern and the area that they can govern. In Europe, the flexibility of national bounardies ensured that weak and failed states were conqured by strong states, and that a sort of natural selection based on state power is the determineant of state bounaries. This however never happened in Africa...anyways, that's the thesis....
Book Description
From 1971 until 1984 at the Collge de France, Michel Foucault gave a series of lectures ranging freely and conversationally over the range of his research. In Society Must Be Defended, Foucault deals with the emergence in the early seventeenth century of a new understanding of war as the permanent basis of all institutions of power, a hidden presence within society that could be deciphered by an historical analysis. Tracing this development, Foucault outlines the genealogy of power and knowledge that had become his dominant concern.
Customer Reviews:
Indispensable Addition to Foucault's Oeuvre.......2005-02-25
Foucault never wrote a monograph on power per se, the arguably most influential notion put forth by him. Yet this posthumous publication of his College de France lectures 1975-76 approximates one. Here one can find the most elaborate discussion of the distinction between power-as-law and power as a bunch of local techniques and force relations, and more important, the idiosyncratic conceptualization of political power based on the model of war. It is also in these lectures that Foucault gives a sustantial analysis of racism. Although these topics are already touched upon in The History of Sexuality vol. 1, unfortunately they have not been given extended space to develop thanks to Foucault's drastic modification of his writing plan. Two decades after his premature death, we are finally allowed to have a better understanding of Foucault's profound reflection upon these issues. The continual unveiling of Foucault's other lectures in print in years to come makes life worthy to live even in this depressive political atmosphere.
Foucault Is Being Ironic.......2003-11-12
The last thing Foucault wants to do is defend society.
Offering an unusually insightful perspective.......2003-02-11
Capably and collaboratively edited by Mauro Bertani and Allesandro Fontana, "Society Must Be Defended" is a collection of French philosopher and historian Michel Foucault's eleven lectures given at the College de France from 1975 to 1976, and which are ably translated into English for an American readership by David Macey. Offering an unusually insightful perspective and wisdom on a wide variety of educational topics ranging from the origin of feudalism, to the functions and domains of racism, to Hobbes' ideas on war and sovereignty, and a great deal more, "Society Must Be Defended" is a very thought-provoking and instructive collection from a uniquely informed and informative point of view. As Michel Foucault writes about this compilation of his views: "The role of history will, then, be to show that laws deceive, that kings wear masks, that power creates illusions, and that historians tell lies. This will not, then, be a history of continuity, but a history of deciphering, the detection of the secret, the outwitting of the ruse, and the reappropriation of a knowledge that has been distorted or buried. It will decipher a truth that has been sealed".
Book Description
The essays in this book trace the development of Joel Migdal's "state-in-society" approach. The essays situate the approach within the classic literature in political science, sociology, and related disciplines but present a new model for understanding state-society relations. It allies parts of the state and groups in society against other such coalitions, determines how societies and states create and maintain distinct ways of structuring day-to-day life, the nature of the rules that govern people's behavior, whom they benefit and whom they disadvantage, which sorts of elements unite people and which divide them, and what shared meaning people hold about their relations with others and their place in the world.
Customer Reviews:
Excellent review of state and society subject.......2006-09-29
Hegal once said "Philosophy is the history of philosophy". I have the same feeling after reading Migdal's State in Society.
In this book, Migdal masterfully presents his "state in society" theory by examining the history of State-Society study. If his theory can be reduced by some as simply the final stage of a thesis-antithesis-synthesis process (e.g. "culturalist"-"statist"-"state-in-society"), the way he establishes his theory is nevertheless exceptionally informative and eloquent. Migdal does not tell you everything about every author in this grand debate. Yet after reading his book, you will be left with a distinct impression of each author's role and position in the debate.
A must read for students of State-Society studies.
Book Description
Whether in characterizing Catharine MacKinnon's theory of gender as itself pornographic or in identifying liberalism as unable to make good on its promises, Wendy Brown pursues a central question: how does a sense of woundedness become the basis for a sense of identity? Brown argues that efforts to outlaw hate speech and pornography powerfully legitimize the state: such apparently well-intentioned attempts harm victims further by portraying them as so helpless as to be in continuing need of governmental protection. "Whether one is dealing with the state, the Mafia, parents, pimps, police, or husbands," writes Brown, "the heavy price of institutionalized protection is always a measure of dependence and agreement to abide by the protector's rules." True democracy, she insists, requires sharing power, not regulation by it; freedom, not protection.
Refusing any facile identification with one political position or another, Brown applies her argument to a panoply of topics, from the basis of litigiousness in political life to the appearance on the academic Left of themes of revenge and a thwarted will to power. These and other provocations in contemporary political thought and political life provide an occasion for rethinking the value of several of the last two centuries' most compelling theoretical critiques of modern political life, including the positions of Nietzsche, Marx, Weber, and Foucault.
Customer Reviews:
Identity and Injury: Rights Based Discourses.......2006-01-22
In the first half of States of Injury, Wendy Brown's critique of traditional feminism and more broadly identity politics as a whole was based upon the principle that the "I am" clause used by many marginalized groups should be avoided because of its universalizing and finalizing nature. In its place, such groups should focus on the "What I want for us" clause, because of its potential fluidity and room for political action. In the second half of the book, Brown addresses, among other things, the question of what should be desired from a gendered postmodern perspective.
Brown's scathing critique of classical liberalism begins to take shape as she attacks the litigious nature of modern state politics, and more specifically, she builds her case against a rights-based discourse for feminism. Rights require cultural and historical context, and without those important brushstrokes, their picture cannot be painted because of their amorphous or perhaps even polymorphous nature. Brown insists that rights must not be confused with equality and that they "are more likely to become sites of the production of identity as injury than vehicles of emancipation" (Brown 1995, 134). Rights then should be avoided as a political goal, but they should not be avoided altogether. Rights may well serve as a means to an end, their usefulness should not be overlooked as a step in realizing larger goals, but once again, Brown has demonstrated that focusing on rights, like focusing on identity, is a finalizing process; a rights discourse ends the conversation. What happens once rights are granted? If a woman's rights are violated it is then up to the state to uphold those rights as they have been written into law. Protection is then institutionalized, creating a female dependence on state power. There is no discussion of transcending the existing patterns of male dominance within the masculinist state because women have been granted equality under law. The liberal philosophy of writing rights into law thus entrenches and subjugates women into the existing systems of traditional subordination, allowing no real way out of the cycle of dependency, protection and regulation. As much as I was hoping for Brown to articulate some sort of policy prescriptions, or a potential way out of this structure of dominance, I did not see it. Brown herself admits that the final essay develops more than answers the questions that she raises and "it does not build toward policy recommendations or a specified political program" (173). If rights must be seen as a means and not an end, what is the end? It seems that Brown's critical analysis is arguing for a radical transformation or complete transcension of the late modern political structures found in the liberal state. Is the best hope for feminism to be found in the private sphere, away from the state? What is the way out for Brown's structural-historical analysis of feminine subordination? Is her answer to be found in the last sentence of the book? Here she suggests that "feminists can both exploit and subvert, but only by deeply comprehending in order to strategically outmaneuver its contemporary masculinist ruses" (196). It is great to understand, and it may be the first step to political action, but comprehending is not action in itself.
Intellectually exciting.......2000-07-02
This book looks at how gender and the political theories of our time (liberalism, theories of the state, Foucault, etc.) intersect. I have only read three of the chapters so far, which are self-contained, and I enjoyed them very much. Brown's response to Catherine MacKinnon is especially well-argued and helpful: she draws out how Marxism influences MacKinnon's thought, and then shows how Mackinnon's thought demonstrates the extent to which freedom for women can be incompatible with freedom in general. The prose could be better.
Average customer rating:
- A Must-Have Book to Read and Share
- An informative and interesting read on real power women.
- No male point of view, just the facts!
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Powerchicks: How Women Will Dominate America
Matt Towery
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ASIN: 1563525216 |
Book Description
A prescient investigation of the most dramatic power shift in American history.
Customer Reviews:
A Must-Have Book to Read and Share.......1999-02-02
This book chronicles,(illustrated with the stories of the well-known and the not-so-well-known), the impact of women in and on a variety of careers/professions over the past several decades. I believe it is truly the most fascinating book to come along in awhile and it is a wonderful book to be able to discuss.
Wonderfully upbeat, women will find encouragement and reassurance. It all makes sense of what we've been living - and gives a pretty good road map of what works and what wastes career time. Men - of all types and attitudes - will also find it fascinating reading. Thankfully, most will smile and be encouraged that the rest of the world understands what they have all along. They'll be the ones saying - "Let me tell you about this Power Chick I work with."
I gave this book to my dad for Christmas. It led to many a great conversation. My mom, a very happy and traditional homemaker, saw it as a window into my life. And my younger sister read it while on a job hunting trip. It proved a terrific guide and buildup for confronting job interviews and head hunters. This book should be everyone's gift book of the year. You'll know they read it, because they'll want to talk with you about it.
An informative and interesting read on real power women........1998-08-24
Matt Towery has been able to compile a diversified group of real woman who have risen to powerful positions in almost every industry. This book tells their story in an factual way from their own point of view of how they rose to power.
It is very evident to see that there is a pattern that most of the women followed that is different than what men in similar positions seem to follow.
This book is a good guide for men to better understand woman in business as well as showcasing some very powerful people.
As a producer in television and film, I definately see Power Chicks has a future in other forms of the media as well in bringing these stories to the public.
I'm happy that I had the chance to read an advance copy and look forward to seeing this book rise to the top of the charts.
Randy Peskin Executive Producer
No male point of view, just the facts!.......1998-08-24
I fortunately had an opportunity to see an advance galley copy of POWER CHICKS.
Matt Towery has taken actual statements from some of the top ranking women in a variety of industries and in a clear, concise manner, organized their comments into an interesting account of their successes, featuring when, where, why and how they achieved their power.
This is not a mans point of view, but an authors recap and analysis of some of the common factors shared by those that have achieved.
Towery has hit on a subject that is timely and lends itself to not only follow up features, but is a perfect subject for other forms of media as well.
To Matt Towery, congradulations on a job well done!
John Ratzenberger
Actor, Director, Producer
President, FIDDLERS BAY ENTERTAINMEMT
Book Description
This book presents an impressive synthesis of an important and influential school of thought, derived from Foucault's writings on governmentality, which extends into new and challenging domains. Nikolas Rose ranges across the many fields on which governmentality theory has been been brought to bear, including expertise, culture and government, economic management, psychology, and community. Unusually, he suggests that freedom is not the opposite of government but one of its key inventions and most significant resources. His book will serve as an intelligent introduction to governmentality for students and scholars alike.
Customer Reviews:
Building on Foucault.......2002-12-06
Michel Foucault admitted in an interview that his writings were works of fiction, yet had a certain truth about them. Nikolas Rose's `Powers of Freedom' is far less of a fiction that anything of Foucault's, but it is similarly a search for truth. I much prefer to read Foucault, though if you are a Foucault fan you won't be disappointed with Rose. He indeed builds on Foucault's ideas. And where Foucauld tends towards nihilism and depression, Rose keeps up a spirit of optimism and hope. Both advise using thought as a weapon in the never-ending battle against those who purport to rule us in our own name and for our own good.
There are many interesting ideas in `Powers of Freedom'. I suppose the main one is that freedom is an invention of modern government. Before the modern age there was no such thing as freedom - one lived in fear of violence and intimidation from above and below. Only with the advent of the modern age with its mores of civility and self-control has sovereign power felt able to let its subjects reasonably alone.
Another idea, according to Rose, is that individuality is both an invention and a subjectivity. He develops Foucault's notion of a personal ethics and argues that our current `wars of subjectivity' emerge around the concept that `individuals can shape an autonomous identity through choices in taste, music, goods, styles and habitus outside the control of coherent discourses of civility or the technologies of political government. The politics of conduct is faced with a new set of problems: governing subject formation in this new plural field.' (page 179).
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