History: Fiction or Science? (Chronology, No. 1)

Book Description

Recorded history is a finely-woven magic fabric of intricate lies about events predating the sixteenth century. There is not a single piece of evidence that can be reliably and independently traced back earlier than the eleventh century. This book details events that are substantiated by hard facts and logic, and validated by new astronomical research and statistical analysis of ancient sources.

Customer Reviews:

Calculations are only as good as your numbers.......2007-08-03

Yes, we can all agree that mainstream history is nearly 100% BS due to politics, economics, ego, problems with dating techniques, and various conspiracies. Agreed. But, I've been researching the distinct possibility that human history (in terms of civilizations) are much more ancient than we've been told, so coming across this book was very interesting to me. I wondered how Fomenko could be wrong (if at all) because he is very persuasive in his presentations. Then it dawned on me. If at previous times in prehistory, due to the various catastrophies that are well documented (comets, asteroids, planetary disruptions, plasma discharge, pole reversals, etc) the Earth was in a different position in relation to the sun, different tilt on its axis, different orbit, different rotation (in terms of velocity and DIRECTION), and the continents were in different positions, then would this not cause the ancients to see the sky (constellations) differently? In other words, is Fomenko making erronious assumptions about the physics of the Earth in pre-history, which then corrupt his data with regards to dating the relevant astrology? The last event to seriously disrupt our planet occured roughly 3500 years ago, according to other good researchers, so is it possible Fomenko has been confused by this? The vastly different physics of our planet in the not so distant past may explain this confusion, which is not to say the "mainstream" version of history is correct; on the contrary. I am not an expert in these fields, but wanted to see if this idea could spark discussion.

Pants on fire?.......2007-07-19

Will people ever read before spamming? Yes, Jesuits could not rewrite world history alone, they had help. Anyway, Dr Prof Acad A.Fomenko does not point to jesuits as the driving force of world wide history manipulation in published volumes 1,2,3;, actually he barely mentions the poor devils. Check it with 'Search inside' feature, please. China is rarely mentioned either, in fact, Dr Fomenko is completely eurocentric. Right, his theory contradicts all mainstream schools of history, because in their actual state they are all built on blatantly erroneus chronology. You don't need a mysterious cabal (conspiracy) to falsify history, the falsification is its modus operandi. It is inherent to history(ians) to falsify (distort) events, as it is inherent to humans to boast as it is inherent to power (authority) to legimize itself by referrring to glorious past made to its own order. Dr Prof Fomenko and team have identified scores of instances of such manipulation in Russian, European, etc.. history, and delivered valid statistical proof thereof. His own 'reconstruction' is completely another story. Forget c14 as a valid method of dating. W.Libby has initially discovered a brilliant method of INDEPENDENT dating. Too bad, c14 method has become a joke after a forced marrige with dendrochronology with consensual chronological scale inbuilt. Radiocarbon method can't stand blind tests, but is so very productive as a rubberstamp.

Accepted History & Chronology Must Be Changed. .......2007-04-09

There is no doubt that history as most know it is a sham, & institution's version of History both University & Church is fradulent & inaccurate. Everything was established with an agenda, The real "Dark Ages" are now when we have access to incredible amounts of information past authorities & more important 'common folk' didn't have but our institutions & educators are slow to evolve because of what has ignorantly & arrogantly been taught for too long. This is on many subjects not just Chronology.

For anyone to question "Why would a Mathematician have anything credible to say of History?" The answer is from Dr. Fomenko's preface in the book: "It would be worthwhile to remind the reader that in the XVI-XVII century Chronology was considered to be a subdivision of Mathematics." These volumes could possibly be some of the most important works to date & should be read by everyone with an interest in History, especially professors & educators who have a duty to the public. I have read both books & must say that 'Chronology 1' has some very eye opening & revolutionary information. Even if these volumes are part true the implications are profound & opens the doors to further investigations & questions which must be done. I speak several different lanquages & must say the logic Dr. Fomenko uses with "inflection" of words & words being read from left to right in one region & right to left in another then written backwards, the removal of vowels & get down to basics of words, or different cities & locations having the same name etc. is correct. Vowel usage has always been optional & varied, actually complicating linquistics & study. The first thing one has to understand is that words never had a fixed spelling in history like we do now, the spelling of words was mutable & regional, as well as names & titles of people were vast, varied & changed, NOTHING WAS FIXED or understood linear. Matters of Life & Death as well as financial profiteering yesterday & today were & are made with ignorant, illogical & conspiratorial views of history & reality, it's time people get closer to the Truth & society collectively grow up.

Very Interesting.......2007-03-07

It is a good proposal and I believe it will mature into something even better in the future. I think it deserves to be read.

History as Science Fiction.......2007-01-10

Anatoly Fomenko has written a very intriguing book, full of pictures, charts, and computer 'proof' of his thesis: backwards of AD900 we don't really know what happened or when. Between AD900 and AD1600 there is more certainty, but there is still a lot of fuzzy ground, and things don't get reliable until we get past the 1600's where the printing press made it very difficult for the perpetrators of this timeline manipulation to change anything that had been committed to print. The Dark Ages did not happen. Books were burned for a reason. One organization has doubled the actual length of its existence by expanding the real chronology. Read why.

I had always wondered why Christ died about AD33 and yet men waited until the 11th century to form the Knights Templar, the Cathars, etc and go after the Holy Land by force. Why the 1000 year gap? Turns out there wasn't more than a 10-12 year gap and he proves it using astronomy. This also implies that the planet is not as old as we have been told, and current Christian and other creationist scientists are already championing that idea without being aware of Fomenko's book. The two groups, creationist scientists and the Russian mathematical analysts corroborate each other. Fascinating.

Of course, all this flies in the face of what we have been told traditionally is the 'proper' chronology of western civilization, and most readers will experience 'cognitive dissonance' in reading this book. It means that our history going backwards from AD1600 becomes progressively more incorrect and unreliable until it cannot be trusted at all... in the space of 700-800 years.

Naturally, the curious, open-minded reader will want to know WHO did this, WHY, and did any of the events we think of as really ancient ever happen?
Dr. Fomenko is a respected scientist/mathematician at Moscow State University who has already answered these questions to the satisfaction of his initially skeptical colleagues. Most of them are now believers, a few still refuse to believe (the usual diehards), and of course the western press has ignored Fomenko's work -- for obvious reasons when you read the book. The ones who perpetrated this chronology ruse have a lot to answer for. They are still with us. That's why this book is a well-kept secret.

I gave the book a 4-star rating because I was unable to check out some of his claims; those I checked were as he said. But if even 1/3 of his claims are true, this punches a big hole in what we think is our history, the meaning of western civilization, our educational process (for repeating the ruse as gospel), and the trustworthiness of the organization that perpetrated this ruse, well-intentioned or not.

This book relates to current research into a Young Earth paradigm, to John Keel's discoveries about our planet, and Fr Malachi Martin's insights (in his now out-of-print books). We are indeed sheep who are manipulated and kept ignorant -- for a reason. While knowing what these men have to say may be the "booby prize" (as in: 'what can you do with this knowledge?'), it will provide interesting reading. Didn't someone say: "...and the Truth will set you free."?? For you to judge if this book contains the truth.

Capitalism and Modern Social Theory: An Analysis of the Writings of Marx, Durkheim and Max Weber

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Great Book for Sociology Theory Students
Seeing master through master
Great Book!
As good an analysis as there is... even 30 years later

Capitalism and Modern Social Theory: An Analysis of the Writings of Marx, Durkheim and Max Weber
Anthony Giddens
Manufacturer: Cambridge University Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback

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ASIN: 0521097851

Book Description

Giddensâ€™s analysis of the writings of Marx, Durkheim and Weber has become the classic text for any student seeking to understand the three thinkers who established the basic framework of contemporary sociology. The first three sections of the book, based on close textual examination of the original sources, contain separate treatments of each writer. The author demonstrates the internal coherence of their respective contributions to social theory. The concluding section discusses the principal ways in which Marx can be compared with the other two authors, and discusses misconceptions of some conventional views on the subject.

Customer Reviews:

Great Book for Sociology Theory Students.......2003-08-04

Giddens outdid himself for sure! He definitely knew that me and my friends would use this book in our Sociology theory assignment as supplemental reading to aid out paper. Although I did not read this book from cover to cover, it found the Durkheim commentary very useful. Two of my friends also used the Weber and Marx sections, and thanked me so much for purchasing the book. Giddens gets straight to the point, explaning himself very clearly to the reader . . . which is often difficult in theory. The best way to use the book is to look up your subject of interest in the index while you have your primary source in front of you. Enjoy it and save it . . . it'll come in handy een after you're done with your theory class.

Seeing master through master.......2002-06-27

Giddens is the most well-known British social scientist after Keynes and one of three masters in sociology with Bourdieu and Habermas. This book has been widely used as textbook in classes on the history of sociology, while his more recent book, ¡®Introduction to Sociology¡¯ ahs occupied most introductory classes of sociology.
1. Giddens might be the best and deepest understander of three father of sociology. The prestige and appeal of his structuration theory might be rooted in that mastery. Before proposed the outline of structuration theory in ¡®New Rules of Sociological Method¡¯, he spent about ten years in digging into three founders: Marx, Weber, and Durkheim. This book is the fruit of that effort.
Unlike usual textbook, this book us not simple introduction to classical theorists. The need to read classics lies in the problem sociology poses to itself: ¡®what is the modernity?¡¯ Whereas other sister disciplines pose somewhat narrower problems-capitalism for economics, democracy for political sciences- sociology questions the modernity itself. That¡¯s the very problem three fathers posed over a century ago. But still we question the same problem in the way they set. So we should always return to classics when meeting the fundamental problem.
2. The style of this book is clear, easy-to-follow, and jargon-free enough to be used in undergraduate introductory class. But it doesn¡¯t mean that there is no depth in this book. Giddens argues that thoughts of Weber and Durkheim should be understood as the reaction to Marx. His emphasis is convincing and offers a good standpoint to look up three fathers as a whole. Such a point is invaluable to beginners. Moreover, his interpretations are opposite to conventional wisdom, with solid grounds. He contends that there is no discontinuity between young Marx and late Marx, against humanist views like Frankfurt school¡¯s and structuralist exposition like Althusser¡¯s; there is no inconsistency I Weber. He was always a radical neo-Kantian; the relationship of Weber and Marx should be seen as creative tension rather than antagonism; Durkheim¡¯s point lies in not primarily in ¡®the problem of order¡¯ but in the changing nature of order in the context of social development.

Great Book!.......2001-01-21

Well, to sort of disagree with the previous review, I feel that this book is great for Undergrads! I, myself had the opportunity to read this book in a social theory class and have since relied upon Giddens excellent analysis of these theorists! It really helped me grasp the detailed (and often times confusing) ideas and theories of the classical theorists. After reading the book, I was able to more fully understand the actual works of these individuals. I use this book as reference guide to refer back to what Marx, Durkheim and Max Weber said.

As good an analysis as there is... even 30 years later.......2000-06-16

I'm quite surprised this hasn't been reviewed yet; it's a wonderful book. Likely not for undergrads, Giddens is able to tie together in novel ways some of the key concepts that connect the writings of Marx, Weber and Durkheim. A good deal of the book summarizes the key writings of each author-- which is useful in itself-- and supports much of the summary material with compelling quotes and citations of both the author in question, as well as others who have done secondary analyses. Giddens also devotes a few chapters to analyzing the three authors in comparison, and spends a good deal of time teasing out differences between the three that were not, for me at least, apparent right away. In other words, a solid and original analysis. Not five stars because there was less on similarities of thought between the authors than I would have liked to have seen (and no explicit comparative analysis of Weber and Durkheim, only Marx vis-a-vis the other two), but this is probably due to the fact that Marx, Weber and Durkheim diverge in so many fundamental ways. Nevertheless, truly a must read for those who want to begin to get a grip on classical western social theory in a more sophisticated fashion than what most textbooks (which this is not) might have to offer. Get it, because if it's this old and still in print in the academic world, there's a reason for it...

China and the Vietnam Wars, 1950-1975 (The New Cold War History)

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Interesting but lacking
Read for Class, Pretty Good
Cooperation & Containment in Sino-Vietnamese Relations
good summary but...

China and the Vietnam Wars, 1950-1975 (The New Cold War History)
Qiang Zhai
Manufacturer: The University of North Carolina Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback

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ASIN: 0807848425
Release Date: 2000-03-15

Book Description

In the quarter century after the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, Beijing assisted Vietnam in its struggle against two formidable foes, France and the United States. Indeed, the rise and fall of this alliance is one of the most crucial developments in the history of the Cold War in Asia. Drawing on newly released Chinese archival sources, memoirs and diaries, and documentary collections, Qiang Zhai offers the first comprehensive exploration of Beijing's Indochina policy and the historical, domestic, and international contexts within which it developed.

In examining China's conduct toward Vietnam, Zhai provides important insights into Mao Zedong's foreign policy and the ideological and geopolitical motives behind it. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, he shows, Mao considered the United States the primary threat to the security of the recent Communist victory in China and therefore saw support for Ho Chi Minh as a good way to weaken American influence in Southeast Asia. In the late 1960s and 1970s, however, when Mao perceived a greater threat from the Soviet Union, he began to adjust his policies and encourage the North Vietnamese to accept a peace agreement with the United States.

Customer Reviews:

Interesting but lacking.......2007-04-16

This is very important history. For much of the last 50 years the history of Vietnam has mostly been one of the history of the Vietnam war, there has been little attention paid to the history of the country or its relations with its other neighbors such as Cambodia or China. Yet the Chinese relationship is immensely important. Even during the Vietnam war the relationship was very complex, especially in light of Detente. By the high point of Detente in 1973, Vietnam and China had many differences, not onyl culturally and historically but also in terms of power-politics. Vietnam became mostly an ally of the U.S.S.R. After the fall of Saigon and the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia things changed again and China demonstrated along the Vietnamese border and invaded the country for a few kilometers to teach it that China was the boss of southeast Asia, not Vietnam. After all Vietnam ousted China's ally, Pol Pot, from Pnomh Penh. However this book does not make light of this, it ends in 1975 and for that this book is a shame for it should have continued the story.

Nevertheless this is an important book and an important contribution.

Seth J. Frantzman

Read for Class, Pretty Good.......2006-04-24

Author Qiang Zhai, professor of history at Auburn University Montgomery in Alabama, explains his rationale for writing this book in the introduction, "The rise and fall of the Sino-Vietnamese alliance is one of the most crucial developments in the history of the Cold War in Asia in general and Chinese foreign relations in particular." During the course of his research, Zhai found many, yet complex, motives behind Beijing's Indochina policy and one of his main premises is that the Beijing-Hanoi relationship was composed of both agreements and contradictions, cooperation and confrontation.

China and Vietnam had a complicated relationship long before the Indochina wars of the mid-20th century. Zhai believes that the Vietnamese "had a tradition of looking to China for models and inspirations," but there also were "historical animosities between the two countries as a result of China's interventions in Vietnam." Zhai writes that Mao Zedong was very eager to help Vietnam because Mao believed Indochina constituted one of the three fronts (the others being Korea and Taiwan). When the Viet Minh army headed toward the decisive battle at Dien Bien Phu in 1954, they were accompanied by a Chinese general military adviser and China furnished the PAVN with antiaircraft guns, as well as engineering experts and large quantities of ammunition. The Viet Minh won the battle but were bitterly disappointed by the peace which followed. According to Zhai, China's approach to the Geneva conference was motivated by fear of the United States' designs in Indochina: "To prevent American intervention, [Zhou Enlai] was ready to compromise of the Laotian and Cambodian issue," and he formally proposed the immediate withdrawal of the Viet Minh troops from Laos and Cambodia.
An interesting part of the book is when Zhai makes the assertion that, in 1961, President Kennedy set out to increase U.S. commitment to the Saigon regime. In response, according to Zhai, Mao Zedong expressed a general support for the armed struggle of the South Vietnamese people, but China's leaders were uneasy about their Vietnamese comrades' tendency to conduct large-unit operations in the south. Zhai writes: "The period between 1961 and 1964 was a crucial one in the evolution of Sino-DRV relations....Its urgent need to resist American pressure increased its reliance on China's material assistance." In Zhai's view, although Chinese leaders were determined to avoid war with the United States, Beijing said that if the United States attacks China, that would mean war and there would be no limits to the war. Above all, Mao and his associates wanted the North Vietnamese to wage a protracted war to tie down the United States in Vietnam.
When the Paris negotiations began in May 1968, Beijing was "unenthusiastic." In less than three years, the international situation changed. By 1971, according to Zhai, Chinese leaders were hoping to see an early conclusion of the Vietnam War in order to preserve American power and contain Soviet influence. After President Nixon's historic trip to China in 1972, according to Zhai, the North Vietnamese learned that Chinese foreign policy drew less on Communist unity and more on Chinese national interest. In September 1975, just a few months after Saigon fell and Vietnam was unified, Zhai writes that Mao told a Vietnamese visitor, in effect, "Hanoi should stop looking to China for assistance...The long historical conflict between China and Vietnam...had returned to life."
In conclusion, and in my opinion, the most important aspects of this book is its demonstration that international Communism was not huge in the 1960s and 1970s. Zhai makes clear that the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China encouraged and aided Vietnam's struggle for independence from France and its war for national unification against the United States, but the Communist powers were motivated more by national interests than by revolutionary solidarity. The history of Chinese-Vietnamese relations between 1950 and 1975 must be viewed within the broader contexts of growing Sino-Soviet competition for dominance in the international Communist movement and of China's eventual, if only limited, relationship with the United States.

Cooperation & Containment in Sino-Vietnamese Relations.......2000-10-09

In the introduction to this scholarly and impassive, but very interesting, study of China's relations with Vietnam during the height of the Cold War, Author Qiang Zhai, professor of history at Auburn University Montgomery in Alabama, explains his rationale for writing this book: "The rise and fall of the Sino-Vietnamese alliance is one of the most crucial developments in the history of the Cold War in Asia in general and Chinese foreign relations in particular." According to Zhai, he drew on "fresh Chinese documents to present a full-length treatment of the evolution of the Sino-DRV relationship between the two Indochina wars, focusing on its strategic, political, and military aspects." During the course of his research, Zhai found "a complex blend of motives behind Beijing's Indochina policy," and one of his main premises is that the "Beijing-Hanoi relationship was composed of both agreements and contradictions, cooperation and confrontation."

China and Vietnam had a complicated relationship long before the Indochina wars of the mid-20th century. According to Zhai, the Vietnamese "had a tradition of looking to China for models and inspirations," but there also were "historical animosities between the two countries as a result of China's interventions in Vietnam." Zhai writes that Mao Zedong was "eager to aid Ho Chi Minh in 1950" because Mao believed "Indochina constituted one of the three fronts (the others being Korea and Taiwan) that Mao perceived as vulnerable to an invasion by imperialist countries headed by the United States." When the Viet Minh army headed toward the decisive battle at Dien Bien Phu in 1954, they were accompanied by a Chinese "general military adviser," and China furnished the PAVN with antiaircraft guns, as well as engineering experts and large quantities of ammunition. The Viet Minh won the battle but were bitterly disappointed by the peace which followed. According to Zhai, China's approach to the Geneva conference was motivated by fear of the United States' designs in Indochina: "To prevent American intervention, [Zhou Enlai] was ready to compromise of the Laotian and Cambodian issue," and he formally proposed "withdrawal of the Viet Minh troops from Laos and Cambodia." Zhai writes: "For the Vietnamese Communists, the Geneva Conference served as a lesson about the nature and limits of Communist internationalism," and both Beijing and Moscow pressured the Viet Minh "to abandon its efforts to unify the whole of Vietnam."

Zhai makes the controversial assertion that, in 1961, President Kennedy "set out to increase U.S. commitment to the Saigon regime." In response, according to Zhai, Mao Zedong "expressed a general support for the armed struggle of the South Vietnamese people," but China's leaders "were uneasy about their Vietnamese comrades' tendency to conduct large-unit operations in the south." Zhai writes: "The period between 1961 and 1964 was a crucial one in the evolution of Sino-DRV relations....Its urgent need to resist American pressure increased its reliance on China's material assistance." According to Zhai: "The newly available Chinese documents clearly indicate that Beijing provided extensive support (short of volunteer pilots) to Hanoi during the Vietnam War and in doing so risked war with the United States." In Zhai's view, although Chinese leaders were "determined to avoid war with the United States," Beijing warned that "if the United States bombs China[,] that would mean war and there would be no limits to the war." According to Zhai: "Between 1965 and 1968, Beijing strongly opposed peace talks between Hanoi and Washington and rejected a number of international initiatives designed to promote a peaceful solution to the Vietnam conflict." "Above all, Mao and his associates wanted the North Vietnamese to wage a protracted war to tie down the United States in Vietnam." When the Paris negotiations began in May 1968, Beijing was "unenthusiastic." In less than three years, the international situation changed. Zhai's lengthy discussion of the complicated internal and international events leading up to the crisis in Cambodia in 1970 is a case study in Machiavellian politics and diplomacy. By 1971, according to Zhai, Chinese leaders were "keen to see an early conclusion of the Vietnam War in order to preserve American power and contain Soviet influence." After President Nixon's historic trip to China in 1972, according to Zhai, the North Vietnamese "drew a bitter lesson from Nixon's handshake with Mao that China's foreign policy was concerned less with Communist unity than with the pursuit of China's national interest." In Zhai';s view: "Nixon's decision to normalize relations with Beijing nullified the hitherto basic rationale of the Vietnam War, namely to contain and isolate Communist China." According to Zhai: "Mao and Zhou Enlai viewed with satisfaction the conclusion of the Paris Peace Agreement." In September 1975, just a few months after Saigon fell and Vietnam was unified, Zhai writes that Mao told a Vietnamese visitor, in effect, "Hanoi should stop looking to China for assistance." "The long historical conflict between China and Vietnam...had returned to life."

In conclusion, Zhai asserts that "[t]here were two strands in China's policy toward Vietnam during the two Indochina wars: cooperation and containment;" "From the 1950s to 1968, the cooperation side of China's policy was predominant; and "From the late 1960s, particularly between 1972 and 1975, the containment side of China's policy became more prominent." In my opinion, the most important aspects of this book is its demonstration that international Communism was not monolithic in the 1960s and 1970s. Zhai makes clear that the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China encouraged and aided Vietnam's struggle for independence from France and its war for national unification against the United States, but the Communist powers were motivated more by national interests than by revolutionary solidarity. The history of Chinese-Vietnamese relations between 1950 and 1975 must be viewed within the broader contexts of growing Sino-Soviet competition for primacy in the international Communist movement and of China's eventual, if only limited, rapprochement with the United States. Zhai's book is, therefore, an important contribution to the literature about the most controversial foreign war in American history.

good summary but..........2000-05-17

Mr. Zhai's contribution to Cold War history is a worthy addition to any CW buff's collection, since China's role in the conflict has always been a mix of "Yellow Peril" paranoia, rumor and biased commentary. It is a sound summary of the initially cozy, then increasingly frosty relations between the two communist Asian nations. However, being familiar with many of the observations made in this book from other sources, I was hoping for a more cogent analysis of the synergy between the radicalization of Mao's vision of perpetual revolution and the Indochinese wars. For example, did the Cultural Revolution hinder or help the Vietnamese, and what were their perceptions? Did China encourage Pol Pot's intransigence vis-a-vis Hanoi because of ideological affinity or just plain spite? How did the Ussuri River clashes affect the Soviet supply link to Hanoi? This is a good volume for factual summary of the events, but a more profound reading of the new archival sources needs to follow.

Christian Faith and Modern Democracy: God and Politics in the Fallen World (Frank M. Covey, Jr. Loyola Lectures in Politial Analysis)

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A Painful Possibility
Liberalism is Dead!
"Constitutionalism Without Liberalism"
"Constitutionalism Without Liberalism"

Christian Faith and Modern Democracy: God and Politics in the Fallen World (Frank M. Covey, Jr. Loyola Lectures in Politial Analysis)
Robert P. Kraynak
Manufacturer: University of Notre Dame Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback

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ASIN: 0268022666

Book Description

Do Christianity and modern liberal democracy share a common moral vision, or are they opposed and even hostile to each other? In "Christian Faith and Modern Democracy", Robert Kraynak challenges the commonly accepted view that Christianity is inherently compatible with modern democratic society. Contrary to conventional wisdom, Kraynak argues that there is no necessary connection between Christianity and any form of government and that, in many important respects, Christianity is weakened by its close alliance with contemporary versions of democracy and human rights.

"Christian Faith and Modern Democracy" was written, in part, to convince secular intellectuals that modern democracy needs God. But it was also written in response to the new consensus about politics that has emerged among Christian believers. Almost all churches and theologians now think that the form of government most compatible with Christianity is democracy and that the historic opposition of the Christian tradition to democracy and to various forms of liberalism was a mistake. What caused Christians to change their view of political authority and to embrace liberal democracy? Were they wise to change their view?

This provocative book attempts to answer these questions by reexamining the relationship between democracy and Christianity through the lens of St. Augustine's distinction between the city of God and the earthly city, applied to the conditions of the modern age. Kraynak argues that St. Augustine's teaching provides the basis for a Christian theory of constitutional government and permits a variety of legitimate forms of government, including constitutional democracy. Yet, unlike contemporary Christian doctrines, it does so without embracing the subversive premises of liberalism that have threatened to turn the Christian faith into little more than a mirror image of the modern world.

Sure to spark controversy among secular intellectuals and Christian believers alike, this insightful volume is an outstanding work of political philosophy with a firm foundation in theology.

Customer Reviews:

A Painful Possibility.......2006-01-21

This book takes a hard look at some of our most cherished notions; namely human rights and the notion of personal and political freedom. While claiming that Kant is the main culprit in giving birth to the current backslide of society into a self-destroying autonomy, the author questions even those movements (namely Christian personalism) that have tried to baptize Kant's notions of autonomy and turn them into a force for good and for God. While this criticism of Christian Personalism is not entirely warranted, it does raise a very serious question that needs to be considered; namely, what will be the final outcome of the Church's project of meeting the world on many of its own terms (terms redefined and redirected towards God)and bringing it to conversion? When we look at St. Paul and his appeal to the Unknown God of the Greeks, we realize that perhaps there is some precedent for success with the Church's current approach.

It appears that the author's reason for the criticism of Christian Personalism is fairly understandable. Regardless of how rights and freedom are metaphysically grounded, if those particularly modern political and personal notions are so extraordinarily liberating, then why (to ironically borrow a famous phrase) do we everywhere in modern democracies find ourselves more and more in chains? Why do we see so many atrocities committed (and turned into law) in the name of rights and freedom?

One cannot walk away from this book without gaining a profound sense of the limitations of our current form of democracy and of our cherished notions of personal freedom, human dignity and human rights. We really do have to place our hope in God and not in democracy or freedom. Those latter notions can too easily turn against us. It is an extremely sobering read to say the least.

Liberalism is Dead!.......2002-05-24

This is a genuine 21st century article. Liberalism--based on the idea of the sovereign individual--has no future.

"Constitutionalism Without Liberalism".......2001-11-24

R. P. Kraynak, who teaches political science at Colgate, reminds us of Augustine's Doctrine of the Two Cities, meaning that the state's sphere is political and economic management and the church's sphere is salvation of souls. The two realms or swords are distinct but not separate. Indeed, the effective implementation of the Augustinian proposal, Prof. Kraynak maintains, preserves us, on the one hand, from the danger of a totalitarian politics and, on the other, from the danger of theocracy. In an effective and even elegant argument, he warns us, however, that the church's (or, perhaps, churches') embrace of Kant's "personalism"--that we are people and not things--is, after a point, incompatible with Christianity, for Kantianism is rooted in naturalism, denyiny our eternal destiny and supernatural duties. Christianity has become so suffused with the liberal language of "rights" that it is increasingly given to the kind of sociological leveling and mass taste which are the poisoned fruit of the Modern Project but are finally destructive of political order. The Gospel, Kraynak suggests, tells us not only of the law of love but also of the fact of sin. Recognition of those eternal realities are at the heart of prudent statecraft and of Christian faith. We witness today a secular chiliasm which "defines deviancy down" (238-242) and leads to moral relativism, nihilism, and emotivism which deny the transcendent and exalt ungrounded and unbounded "rights." Kraynak's insights into the ideas of freedom and dignity (61; cf. Rom 7:22 and 1 Pt 3:4), of proper Christian resistance to human rights (153), and of the roles of the secular state (189, 228-229; cf. 1 Pt 2:13-17) are simply superb. Although he might have mined Voegelin's works more effectively--and should have learned the proper spelling of "supersede" (!)--he cogently marshals the work of Solzhenitsyn, Goerner, Niemeyer, O'Donovan, Maritain, Novak, John Courtney Murray, John Finnis, MacIntyre, Strauss, and Lasch, in addition to John Paul II and Reinhold Niebuhr, while standing in principled opposition to Ackerman, Dworkin, Rawls, and Rorty. "Modern culture has cut out the highest part of the human soul," he writes, "the part that longs for eternity and for spiritual transcendence of the here and now, the part that seeks the presence of the Incarnate God . . ." (270). Warmly recommended!

"Constitutionalism Without Liberalism".......2001-11-24

R. P. Kraynak, who teaches political science at Colgate, reminds us of Augustine's Doctrine of the Two Cities, meaning that the state's sphere is political and economic management and the church's sphere is salvation of souls. The two realms or swords are distinct but not separate. Indeed, the effective implementation of the Augustinian proposal, Prof. Kraynak maintains, preserves us, on the one hand, from the danger of totalitarian politics and, on the other, from the danger of theocracy. In an effective and even elegant argument, he warns us, however, that the church's (or, perhaps, churches') embrace of Kant's "personalism"--that we are people and not things--is, after a point, incompatible with Christianity, for Kantianism is rooted in naturalism, denyiny our eternal destiny and supernatural duties. Christianity has become so suffused with the liberal language of "rights" that it is increasingly given to the kind of sociological leveling and mass taste which are the poisoned fruit of the Modern Project but are finally destructive of political order. The Gospel, Kraynak suggests, tells us not only of the law of love but also of the fact of sin. Recognition of those eternal realities are at the heart of prudent statecraft and of Christian faith. We witness today a secular chiliasm which, to use Moynihan's apt phrase, "defines deviancy down" (238-242) and leads to moral relativism, nihilism, and emotivism which deny the transcendent and exalt ungrounded and unbounded "rights." Kraynak's insights into the ideas of freedom and dignity (61; cf. Rom 7:22 and 1 Pt 3:4), of proper Christian resistance to human rights (153), and of the roles of the secular state (189, 228-229; cf. 1 Pt 2:13-17) are simply superb. Although he might have mined Voegelin's works more effectively--and should have learned the proper spelling of "supersede" (!)--he cogently marshals the work of Solzhenitsyn, Goerner, Niemeyer, O'Donovan, Maritain, Novak, John Courtney Murray, John Finnis, MacIntyre, Strauss, and Lasch, in addition to John Paul II and Reinhold Niebuhr, while standing in principled opposition to Ackerman, Dworkin, Rawls, and Rorty. "Modern culture has cut out the highest part of the human soul," he writes, "the part that longs for eternity and for spiritual transcendence of the here and now, the part that seeks the presence of the Incarnate God . . ." (270). Warmly recommended!

Wittgenstein and the Possibility of Discourse

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Wittgenstein and the Possibility of Discourse
Rush Rhees
Manufacturer: Blackwell Publishing Limited
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ASIN: 1405132507

Book Description

Four years after the publication of Ludwig Wittgenstein 's Philosophical Investigations, Rush Rhees, one of Wittgenstein 's literary executors and closest friends, began writing reflections on the masterpiece he had helped to edit. In this collection of his previously unpublished writings, Rhees offers an original critique of Wittgenstein 's analogy between language and games. The volume constitutes a major contribution not only to Wittgenstein scholarship, but also to philosophical debates about the possibility of discourse, and to why conversation is central to that possibility.For the second edition, D.Z. Phillips has inserted as a preface Rhees ' article, 'The Fundamental Problems of Philosophy ', first published in 1994. This paper gives a clear picture of Rhees ' view of the distinctive nature of philosophical questions and of the character shown in a deep pursuit of them. Secondly, Phillips has included as an additional appendix, some of Rhees ' reflections on Wittgenstein, his teacher. The book 's index has also been enhanced.

New Political Religions, or an Analysis of Modern Terrorism (Eric Voegelin Institute Series in Political Philosophy)

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A Psychological View of Religious Based Terrorism
A philosophical inquiry into modern terrorism
At last we have real Insight into Islamic Terrorism

New Political Religions, or an Analysis of Modern Terrorism (Eric Voegelin Institute Series in Political Philosophy)
Barry Cooper
Manufacturer: University of Missouri Press
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Binding: Paperback

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ASIN: 0826216218

Book Description

In New Political Religions, or an Analysis of Modern Terrorism, Barry Cooper applies the insights of Eric Voegelin to the phenomenon of modern terrorism. Cooper points out that the chief omission from most contemporary studies of terrorism is an analysis of the "spiritual motivation" that is central to the actions of terrorists today. When spiritual elements are discussed in conventional literature, they are grouped under the opaque term religion. A more conceptually adequate approach is provided by Voegelin's political science and, in particular, by his Shellingian term pneumopathology-a disease of the spirit.

"Virtually alone within the flood of volumes on September 11 and its aftermath, this study brings us inside the terrorist mind-set. It does this by taking seriously what terrorists say as a guide to the motivations for their horrendously inexplicable actions. Where most of the instant scholarship that has appeared is still floundering to find the appropriate mode of analysis, Cooper has identified the new terrorism as a form of apocalyptic political religion."--David Walsh

Customer Reviews:

A Psychological View of Religious Based Terrorism.......2006-03-02

This book is a psychological look into modern religious based terrorism.

While it attempts to explain and understand todays Islamic terrorists, it does so with a long history of struggles that have been religious based. Of course the Palestinian/Israeli struggles are discussed, but so is the more general concepts of what happens to any religious based 'government.' The trouble with the 'Rule of God' is that it is administered by mere humans. God's word as handed down in documents from a thousand or two years ago don't reflect everything that can go wrong in today's world. Acid rain, for instance, caused by a power plant a thousand miles away in another country is not to be found in the Bible or the Koran. When men speak, then, with God on their side and no questioning allowed, the result isn't freedom but tyranny. Galileo and the catholics for instance show just one example.

His conclusions are not happy. The situations that created the terrorists in the past continue. The regions of the world from which they come are not improving, and do not seem to have an improving future. He says that heis not directly interested in the 'clash of civilizations' made famous by Sam Huntington, but to me the situations he describe seem to fit Huntington's work very well.

A philosophical inquiry into modern terrorism .......2005-06-09

Cooper's book draws on Voegelin's analysis of the ideologically driven movements of the 20th century (Marxism, Nat'l Socialism). He applies this to Islamic terrorism and does a good job of tracing the roots of the movement. He ultimately points to the pneumopathology of the terrorists as the main "cause" of their tactics. This disease of the spirit allows for a second reality to be created, which suppresses common sense reality. This is what allows the terrorists to justify the slaughter of innocents and to ultimately try to "perfect the world." Cooper gets beyond the superficial motivations often attributed to terrorism and shows us why it is impossible to reason with them. I found the book to be very enlightening and easily the best on modern terrorism that I have come across.

At last we have real Insight into Islamic Terrorism.......2004-12-21

Barry Cooper has a new book this year entitled NEW
POLITICAL RELIGIONS, OR AN ANALYSIS OF MODERN TERRORISM,
(University of Missouri Press, Columbia, 2004). The title puts
the reader in mind of Eric Voegelin's POLITICAL RELIGIONS, which
originally appeared in 1938 and dealt with the murderous mass
political movements of that era. In this work, Dr. Cooper has
brought his understanding of political theory to bear on what he
calls "Islamism," that fraction of Muslim society which
believes it has a God-given task to bring the world under Islamic
control, using murder and suicide as routine instruments for
conquest.

One of the epigrams for the volume is from Graham Greene, "They
won't believe the world they haven't noticed is like that"- and
it was certainly true for this reader! I thought in the years
following 9/11 that I had acquired a good grasp of the problems
faced by the West and particularly the US, but it soon became
evident to me on reading this book that I knew too little.

The book is divided into five chapters. The first, "Context,"
brings in Hannah Arendt and Voegelin on totalitarianism, terror
and spiritual disease in light of 9/11. The second, "Concepts,"
explains "pneumopathology" and "second reality" and discusses
them in relation to the Japanese revolutionary movement Aum
Shinrikyo. This lends needed emotional distance for the analysis
because it is not about 9/11 directly. The third chapter,
"Genealogy of Salafism," explores the history of Islam and the
related topics of Ibn Taymiyya, Wahhabism, the Muslim
Brotherhood, etc. The fourth chapter, "Genesis of a New
Ideology," explores the source of the modern problem in the
writings of Qutb in Egypt, the enshrining of scriptural
ignorance, and the heating of the pot by Khomeini and other
Shiites. Bin Laden and Al Qaeda and the theological problem of
suicide complete the chapter.

The last chapter, entitled "Counternetwar," explores the need to
modify traditional military methods in order to deal with the
elusive networking of the enemy, made possible in large part by
modern cyber technology. There is an astonishing appendix on
history and the Koran in which the historiogenesis of Islam is
explored as is the problem arising for fundamentalists that there
are now several varying manuscripts of the Koran which have not
been acknowledged, because while the bible has various texts
which cause problems, this is seen to be impossible for the Koran
since it was handed down directly by God. Both Voegelin and Leo
Strauss are used to set the argument.

Here are a few choice quotations from the book:

". . . societies that are not organized as states do not have
armies; rather, they are armies. In principle, therefore, where
armed force is directed by organizations that are not states,
against organizations that are not armies, by people who are not
soldiers, modern Clausewitzian categories are, if not eclipsed,
then cast into doubt as the only way that conflict can be
understood." p. 28.

"There is, therefore, an inherent friction between commonsense
reality, the common reality of worldly existence, within which
the terrorist like everybody else must live, and the occult
reality within which the terrorist lives imaginatively, an
imaginary reality where killing the innocent to impress others is
understood to be heroic, altruistic self-sacrifice." P.40

Quoting Heimito von Doderer in THE DEMONS: "A revolutionary,
said Doderer, is 'someone who wants to change the general
situation because of the impossibility or untenability of his own
position,' or rather, 'of the fundamentals of life in general.'
In fact, however, 'a person who has been unable to endure himself
becomes a revolutionary; then it is others who have to endure
him'." Here Dr. Cooper expands on Voegelin's Famous essay, "The
Eclipse of Reality."p.44

"The chief practical consequence of taking part in a cosmic
struggle with a satanic enemy is that the enemy must be
extinguished. The sentiments expressed by Hussein Mussawi, the
found of Hezbollah, are typical: 'We are not fighting so that
the enemy recognizes us and offers us something. We are fighting
to wipe out the enemy.'" P.57

Following a lengthy exposition of Voegelin's ISRAEL AND
REVELATION, Dr. Cooper brings the same type of analysis to Muslim
history. He carries the political and spiritual developments
forward to modern times, and along the way, tells us that after
the Mongol destruction of Baghdad in 1258 and killing of the
last Abbasid Caliph, that "the appropriate response to God's
scourge, both then and now according to the Muslim vulgate, has
been to recover the purity of the early companions [Salafs] of
the Prophet [return to origins being a common theme in Judaism
and Christianity as well]. . .Central as well was the importance
of jihad....It was an important constituent element in the
spiritual complex of the terrorist attack of [9/11]." pp 95-96.
Dr. Cooper terms this belief "Salafism" after the term for the
"venerable forefathers," the "early companions."

There is a related discussion of Wahhabism, a kind of militant
Islamic purity unifying politics and religion-Augustine's two
cities becoming one. On its growth and dominance in Saudi
Arabia: "[The British were] powerless to prevent the spread of
sentiments of great approbation for Wahhabi achievements. Chief
among them was the undeniable fact that Saudi Arabia was formally
independent of foreign, and thus infidel rule. Because Saudi
Arabia had experienced neither Western colonization nor rule by a
Westernized elite, the Saudi rulers could easily and genuinely
believe that [Wahhabi] Islam was socially, morally, and
religiously superior." p. 101

After Kemal created a secular state in Turkey and Nasser created
one in Egypt, the Salafists emerged with a doctrinal complex
which included the notion that the Koran is a complete guide to
individual and communal action, abandonment of the pure ways of
the ancestors brought about Western dominance, science can be
used so long as Westernization is not imported and lastly "jihad
is central to the revival of Islam and the conquest of the world
for God and against Satan." P.109.

"For Islamists, the issue is simple: in Muslim terms, the five
pillars of Islam (profession of faith, prayer, the fast of
Ramadan, pilgrimage, and charity) amount to a spiritual
preparation for war against the enemies of God. . . . the
limitations on what can be achieved by worldly action or on what
that worldly action may mean, which is established by the world-
transcendent dimension of Muslim spirituality, tends to be
eclipsed."p 119

The transformation of the prohibitions against suicide in the
hadiths to the granting of the six privileges of martyrdom to
suicides is characterized as a perversion. P138 and, "As with the
question of the black-eyed houris, the simplifiers and
vulgarizers clearly dominated the current popular debate. It is
now dogmatically established and lies beyond question self-
martyrdom, istishad, is not suicide, intihar, but indeed the
highest form of martyrdom." P 141

This book represents a synthesis of enormous historical,
religious, and philosophical scholarship by Dr. Cooper who is a
professor of political science; it is the kind of work Voegelin
did so well. I know of no other political scientist who brings
such a level of philosophical penetration to Islamism as does the
author. Of course Dr. Cooper read voraciously to prepare himself
to write this work and he generously gives tribute in the text
and footnotes to his sources. He particularly thanks Peter von Sivers,
a well known Voegelinian scholar who specializes in Islamic problems,
for guidance through the intricacies of Islamic culture.

A book-length argument can scarcely be reduced to a review and I
didn't attempt it. And an appreciation written by a non-
specialist must be taken with a grain of salt. Nevertheless one
can hope that enough has been shown here to lead the reader to
the original. It must be said too that it is a lively read. My
attention never wandered. Dr. Cooper is also the author of ERIC
VOEGELIN AND THE FOUNDATIONS OF MODERN
POLITICAL SCIENCE, (U. of Missouri Press, Columbis, 1999)
and ACTION INTO NATURE, An Essay on the Meaning of
Technology, (U. of Notre Dame Press, Notre Dame 1991).

Edmund Burke and the Discourse of Virtue (Studies Rhetoric & Communicati)

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Edmund Burke and the Discourse of Virtue (Studies Rhetoric & Communicati)
Stephen Browne
Manufacturer: University Alabama Press
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Binding: Hardcover

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The Analysis of International Relations (Foundations of Modern Political Science)

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The Analysis of International Relations (Foundations of Modern Political Science)
Karl W. Deutsch
Manufacturer: Prentice Hall College Div
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A House Divided: Comparing Analytic and Continental Philosophy

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Crossing the Divide

A House Divided: Comparing Analytic and Continental Philosophy

Manufacturer: Humanity Books
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ASIN: 1591021057

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A HOUSE DIVIDED examines cross-influences and similarities between pivotal thinkers in the analytic and Continental philosophical traditions. The various articles in this anthology establish that the two traditions have more in common than most think. Consideration of apparently unlikely but definite connections between Carnap and Nietzsche, Davidson and Gadamer, Quine and Heidegger, Searle and Foucault, and others, shows that, despite conventional wisdom and all-too-common mutual disparagement, contemporary philosophy does not divide neatly into two intellectual domains defined by incommensurable principles. The differences among these groupings of philosophers are more a matter of disparities among aggregates of university philosophy departments than a gulf between two fundamental perspectives, and the disparities are due more to selective reading, ingrained conversational styles, and scholarly inertia than to incompatible perspectives.

The undeniable differences in the ways analytic and Continental--or "European"-- philosophers talk, write, and conduct their classes are largely methodological and canonical, and should not preclude useful philosophical dialogue. The insightful articles collected here are not blueprints for closer cooperation between philosophers with different methods and objectives, but they clearly demonstrate that regardless of approach and precedents, analytic and Continental philosophers are all doing philosophy, and there are many important and potentially productive points of contact between them.

The contributors include Richard Rorty, Barry Allen, Babette E. Babich, David Cerbone, Sharyn Clough, Jonathan Kaplan, Richard Matthews, C. G. Prado, Bjorn Torgrim Ramberg, Mike Sandbothe, Barry Stocker, and Edward Witherspoon.

Customer Reviews:

Crossing the Divide.......2003-08-19

One of the widest gulfs in contemporary western philosophy is the dividing line separating English analytical philosophy, exemplified by writers like John Searle or Willard Quine, from Continental philosophy, represented by thinkers such as Jean-Paul Sartre or Michel Foucault.

If you were trained in one of these traditions, you probably did not read works by the other. There certainly are huge stylistic differences: the analytical camp favours spare, dry prose with a minimum of flourish, while Continental writers more often employ emotionally freighted language.

Between them, these two disciplines encompass Western society's best thinking and writing of the last 150 years, yet they are widely believed to be, for all purposes, mutually exclusive. In "A House Divided", Carlos Prado sets out to correct this impression.

The book comprises a series of articles by some of contemporary philosophy's biggest hitters, like Richard Rorty, Barry Allen and Prado himself. Philosophers whose styles and methodologies might seem miles apart, like Quine and Heidegger, or Carnap and Davidson, turn out to have similarities of purpose previously
un-noticed.

This is an excellent book for readers who want to see points of contact between two different schools of thought. The essays are easy to read, and require no previous background in philosophy.
Buy it! You'll enjoy it.

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A school book on university level

Modern Political Analysis (6th Edition)
Robert A. Dahl , and Bruce Stinebrickner
Manufacturer: Prentice Hall
ProductGroup: Book
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Political Science Student Writer's Manual (5th Edition)

Theory and Methods in Political Science

Political Science: An Introduction (9th Edition)

Political Participation in the United States

A Preface to Democratic Theory, Expanded Edition

ASIN: 0130497029

Book Description

This authoritative analysis introduces the key concepts used by contemporary political scientists. Rigorous, concise, and tightly argued, it makes use of everyday and historical examples to illustrate important and challenging conceptual material. Uses the core political phenomenon of influence as a springboard to explaining politics, government, state, political systems, democracy, and the like. Explores the democratic political system and what has been learned about the conditions that facilitate or undermine democracy. Is updated throughout to treat recent developments in world events and political analysis. Discusses the important differences between democratic and nondemocratic systems. For anyone interested in learning more about how political systems and governments work.

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A school book on university level.......1998-03-04

Excellent reading, a little complex at first, but after you have read it thoroughly the reader sees the true depth of this piece

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