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Since the end of the Cold War, writes Dana Priest in The Mission, "U.S. leaders have been turning more and more to the military to solve problems that are often, at their root, political and economic." Priest contends that "long before September 11, the U.S. government had grown increasingly dependent on its military to carry out its foreign affairs. The shift was incremental, little noticed, de facto.... The military simply filled a vacuum left by an indecisive White House, an atrophied State Department, and a distracted Congress." In this important book, Priest describes how and why the military has recently been called upon to combat drug trafficking, deal with terrorism, oversee humanitarian disaster relief, and even carry out disarmament programs--a major increase in responsibility that has not always been welcomed by military leaders. Indeed, in what seems like role reversal, civilian political appointees, particularly in the Bush administration, have repeatedly called upon the military to deal with nation building, while most military leaders have pushed for overwhelming use of political and economic force instead. As Priest points out, this shift in responsibility comes at a time when both the American public and decision-makers "understand less and less about their military." Part of this ignorance stems from the fact that U.S. special forces (from all branches of the military) often carry out critical policy missions in secret and without clear objectives from Congress or the president.
Priest spent considerable time in the field with top military brass and foot soldiers alike in such hot spots as Colombia, Nigeria, Afghanistan, Indonesia, and the Balkans, where she got the inside scoop on how operations are carried out and what those in the military think of their expanded roles. Priest's description of the culture of the various special forces units and their leaders is particularly fascinating. The Mission is a revealing look at the consequences of substituting warriors for diplomats on the frontline of U.S. foreign policy. --Shawn Carkonen
Book Description
Walk with America's generals, grunts, and Green Berets through the maze of unconventional wars and unsettled peace.
Four-star generals who lead the military during wartime reign like proconsuls abroad in peacetime. Secretive Green Berets trained to hunt down terrorists are assigned to seduce ruthless authoritarian regimes. Pimply young soldiers taught to seize airstrips instead play mayor, detective, and social worker in a gung-ho but ill-fated attempt to rebuild a nation after the fighting stops.
The Mission is a boots-on-the-ground account of America's growing dependence on our military to manage world affairs, describing a clash of culture and purpose through the eyes of soldiers and officers themselves. With unparalleled access to all levels of the military, Dana Priest traveled to eighteen countriesincluding Uzbekistan, Colombia, Kosovo, Indonesia, Nigeria, and Afghanistantalking to generals, admirals, Special Forces A-teams, and infantry troops. Blending Ernie Pyle's worm's-eye view with David Halberstam's altitude, this book documents an historic and thought-provoking trend, one even more significant in the aftermath of September 11 as the country turns to its warriors to solve the complex international challenges ahead. 34 maps and illustrations.
Customer Reviews:
Deeply average.......2006-12-06
I can't speak to the factual inaccuracies some other reviewers have mentioned, but I can say that Dana Priest, by-and-large, is a terrible writer. She's a great reporter. I think her stories in the Washington Post are terrific, and obviously she's won a Pulitzer, so I would never take away from her reporting skills. But she should stick to writing articles, not books. And actually she should be banned from using adjectives altogether.
Another reviewer mentioned her description of Anthony Zinni's hands as "cantaloupes", which struck me too. And did she really mean to write "gracious, snow-capped mountains?" When was the last time you saw a gracious mountain? In a scene where a Kosovar Albanian family is being evicted from their Serb-owned squatter digs, the mother is described as a large, brawny woman but, incongruously, wearing "pretty, peach lipstick."
And someone please tell Priest that "quipped" means "joked", not said, explained, uttered, muttered, complained, etc. Priest writes, "How can you have an army of 1.5 million, and 50,000 deployed, and it's nearly broke?" Shalikashvili quipped in an interview. "There's something that's crazy." Then she has Wesley Clark joking, "Our level of resources doesn't match our level of national interest," quipped Clark [watching from the sidelines as the situation in Afghanistan unfolded]. Surely everyone in the room was slapping their thighs with the hilarity of that quip.
The book is also filled with typos. Writers! Editors! Please do your jobs.
Fascinating look at the military and American foreign policy .......2006-09-11
_The Mission_ by Dana Priest is an interesting and through-provoking look at American foreign policy and the military's role in devising and implementing it.
Since the end of the Cold War, "the Mission" for the American military has been to take the lead in managing world affairs, to fill in the tremendous gap left by civilian agencies. With little public debate or even awareness, the military "simply filled a vacuum left by an indecisive White House, an atrophied State Department, and a distracted Congress." Whether turned to by policymakers or on its own initiative, the military has taken the lead abroad to fix problems, even those that are at their root ultimately political and economic in nature.
In the first third of the book, Priest detailed how this state of affairs came to be. Part of the reason is the lack of resources of the civilian agencies that are supposed to be prominent in foreign affairs. Congress slashed the State Department budget 20% in the 1970s and 1980s, closing over 30 embassies and consulates and laying off 22% of the department's employees. Other organizations, such as the U.S. Agency for International Development and the Peace Corps suffer from similarly reduced budgets.
In contrast, the Department of Defense has more resources and personnel than any other foreign-focused government agency. Most prominent in this area are the leaders of the U.S. military's regionally-focused unified commands, the regional commanders-in-chief or CinCs (pronounced "sinks"). The Defense Department divided the globe into five regional commands, each with its own regional CinC (Southern Command, which is basically Latin America, European Command, which is Europe, Turkey, and most of Africa and the former Soviet Union, Central Command, which is the Horn of Africa, Egypt, the Middle East, and the states of former Soviet Central Asia, Pacific Command, which is the rest of Asia and the nations of the Pacific, and Northern Command, which is North America). Each regional CinC has a budget twice that or more than that of the Cold War era, averaging $380 million dollars a year, lavish compared to that of civilian agencies. Additionally, each CinC has a dedicated long-distance aircraft, a number of helicopters, and access to in-flight refueling (only the Secretary of State has a dedicated aircraft, all other diplomats either fly commercially or hitch a ride on military aircraft). Each CinC has a much greater staff than other diplomats and civilian officials; compare the overworked staff of Foreign Service officers in an embassy, each likely with more than one task to perform, to the dedicated entourage that accompanies each CinC in the field along with the scores of admirals, generals, majors, captains, and colonels that he or she can deploy on diplomatic missions.
Additionally, CinCs are not as prone to the turf battles civilian agencies engage in on foreign policy matters as they are stationed abroad and generally don't become embroiled in Washington insider politics. Also, changes in the Defense Department in years past have increased their relative power and importance at the expense of the once dominant uniform service chiefs, the CinCs replacing them as war planners and reducing these individuals instead to basically administrators at home.
Priest wrote that General Anthony Zinni of Central Command joked that he had become a "modern-day proconsul," a descendent of those who used to rule the outlying territories of the Roman Empire, bringing order and justice to the frontier.
About a third of the book detailed one of the key tools of the military in foreign policy, the U.S. Special Operations Forces. The "tool of default," sometimes more Peace Corps volunteer than soldier, even before September 11 they were deployed to 125 countries. Their presence is often the only agreed upon action among American policymakers, politicians hoping that Special Forces could forge strong, useful ties with foreign militaries, have a "rub-off effect," encouraging foreign militaries to become more professional, less corrupt, and more respectful of human rights, and also take the lead in such tasks as settling local political disputes, coordinating foreign aid, and even repairing water systems. Priest detailed Special Forces at work in Afghanistan, Nigeria, Colombia, and Indonesia (and also spent another third of the book showing the actions of one CinC, General Wesley Clark, and his regular troops in Kosovo).
Priest said that the prominent role of the military in foreign policy had both its good and bad points. She was complimentary of the military taking the lead in engaging with the states of the former Soviet Central Asia and sub-Saharan Africa, pushing for political reform in Kosovo, and fighting the drug war in Colombia. She was glad that such an effective agency was involved in foreign policy, given the lack of leadership and resources on the part of civilian agencies abroad, which severely disappointed her. However, she did have concerns. She implied that some CinCs tend to end up too closely identifying with the needs of some of the countries in their "CinCdom," whether it was Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, or even China. She wondered to what extent military engagement can positively influence foreign military conduct and that if in fact it only allowed a corrupt and abusive military to simply become that much more efficient in prosecuting human rights abuses (as was the case with the Indonesian military's role in East Timor). Also, military engagement can send mixed signals or reward countries that are in violation of their citizen's human rights or otherwise acting contrary to American interests. The soldier on the ground, while the finest fighting man or woman in the world, is often not trained to solve political disputes, develop the economies of foreign countries, rebuild infrastructure, or engage in political reform, and she wondered if not some "more appropriate or nuanced engagement program" could be devised rather than having either special forces units deployed in small teams or groups of regular soldiers acting on their own initiative or with precious little guidance (as in Kosovo) trying to solve economic and political problems.
Carnival Writing.......2006-09-02
After reading the book and reviewing it for a small town paper, I can say openly that I would rather not live in a country in which Dana Priest is a citizen. I am of course speaking of her (unfortunately representative) art, not of her views on war. This is without a doubt the worst-written book in the long history of text. To compare her with Ernie Pyle, as the dust jacket does, denigrates every war correspondent dating back to Thucydides.
One excerpt from page 68, on General Zinni, will suffice (hopefully to discourage anyone from buying the book): "Zinni, however, walked straight through from his plane into the military airport's gold trimmed VIP lounge for an obligatory tea, plopping onto a down-filled settee covered with grubby pink satin. He wasn't yelling commands or convening with grubby subordinates in battle fatigues. Instead, he folded, his cantaloupe-sized hands in his lap and waited for cardamom tea to be served by dark brown attendants, former slaves larger and hairier than he."
I will be canceling my subscription to the Washington Post promptly - simply because she works for the paper. Dana Priest is everything wrong with the United States.
Interesting, but overtaken by events.......2006-07-12
This book is an attempt to look at the U.S. Armed Forces, primarily the army, and their mission in the modern world: how it's changed, what it can and can't do, and what effect the changing mission has had on the force itself, and its ability to fulfill its missions. Author Priest is primarily a reporter, though this doesn't really show in the book: it's clear that while some of this materiel probably appeared in shorter form at some point, she's rewritten everything into a style that befits a book.
The author spends a good deal of time walking you around the American military establishment in the late 1990s, describing at great lengths Hugh Shelton and Anthony Zinni, and talks a lot about the C-in-Cs (pronounced "sinks", Commanders-in-Chief) and their roles in the modern world, trying to get nations to act in a more ethical fashion while working up plans for a reaction if those nations prove a threat to us our our interests. Priest describes them as modern proconsuls, with more retinue and equipment (and a better reception overseas) than most of the Cabinet, but strangely with their power very constrained at home.
Next she discusses the various wars the U.S. engaged in between 1996 or so and 2002. This includes a short section on Afghanistan and a much longer one on peacekeeping in Southeast Europe, mostly Kosovo. My guess is the book was pretty much written when 9/11 happened, and she or her publishers felt it would be irrelevant if it didn't include something on the new war. Her view of peacekeeping in Kosovo is that the whole thing is fundamentally flawed because the army has become too cautious, and because the government can't decide on how to handle the new mission of peacekeeping itself. At one point she characterizes George W. Bush as a "dangerous idealist".
There's a lot of interesting material here, but the author comes to some conclusions which don't seem warranted by the facts, even as she presents them herself. She seems to believe that the U.S. Army isn't going to be able to transform itself into a force that can handle peacekeeping missions, and that the government should keep it out of such a role. Instead she argues for a larger State Department involvement in these issues. While this makes sense, part of her logic--that peacekeeping is beyond the U.S. Army) is patently false, whether they've successfully done it in the past or not. Capability isn't the issue, it's knowledge and skill. Armies don't always start out good at performing new missions, and this one requires a rethinking of pretty much every aspect of warfare, so it's going to take a while.
Second, there's the issue of accuracy. One other reviewr took her to task for improperly using army acronyms, and for other percieved inaccuracies. I, on the other hand, objected to her referring to Herat as an "eastern province" of Afghanisatn, when it's about as far *west* as you can go in the country without dodging Iranian Revolutionary Guards on their border. When I catch a simple error like that, I alwas wonder what else crept in, which I *didn't* notice.
I enjoyed parts of this book, but other parts were of considerable concern to me. I would recommend it only for the specialist.
An Adequate Overview, yet Factually Incorrect, Fundamentally Flawed.......2006-02-28
Overall, this book is a basic overview of the structure and operation of the US armed forces theater commands in the final days of their power and prestige, before the Bush administration centralized power, prestige, decision- and policy-making to Washington, DC. It is a view of the last great days of the regional Commanders-in-Chief, the CINCs, and their geographically-oriented theater commands of immense space, scope, power and influence.
My criticism of this book is straightforward and simple, yet speaks directly to the overall character and accuracy of this work: Dana Priest is grossly incorrect in her statements, and therefore in the conclusions she makes, specifically in Chapter Ten, "The Indonesian Handshake." I was intimately and directly involved in the entire episode, and it did not unfold as she describes.
I quote from page 230: "Meanwhile, since January 1998, seven intelligence analysts at the `Joint Intelligence Center Pacific' (JIC), the world largest military-intelligence center, in a windowless concrete building near (US Pacific Command CINC, Admiral Dennis) Blair's headquarters in Hawaii, had tracked the movements of Indonesian military and militia forces in East Timor and Indonesia. The Indonesia desk in the JIC had grown from one to nine persons and maintained a round-the-clock `crisis action' mode. Over the preceding year, the analysts had received a tenfold increase in imagery and a fivefold increase in electronic collection. It was actually too much to process."
First of all, Priest blows the name of the institution she's describing. It's the Joint Intelligence Center Pacific, or JICPAC. Second, the "Indonesia desk" implies a single person monitoring this country. That was never the case, as a team of at least five analysts had always been assigned to maritime Southeast Asia. Suharto's 1998 fall had ramped up both Pacific Command's and JICPAC's attention to Indonesia, and the scheduled elections of mid-1999 and following East Timor referendum were anticipated months in advance, with commensurate analytical adjustments and assignments. Newly assigned to the Pacific Command intelligence directorate, I was detailed to JICPAC personally by the Pacific Command Director for Intelligence, Read Admiral Rick Porterfield to assist in this effort.
I was one of two US Army Foreign Area Officers (FAO) assigned to this issue. I had just completed five years of training in Southeast Asia, with an International Studies masters degree, both Indonesian and Malaysian language training, and attending the 1998 class of the Malaysian Armed Forces Staff College. My partner was an Indonesian staff college graduate. We two Southeast Asia FAOs, both senior US Army majors, were the officers in charge. I was the Chief of the East Timor Crisis Cell for the entire period of the East Timor crisis, and I take immense pride in the work that I and especially my analysts performed during this period. This was the best analytical team I've ever worked with, experienced, highly intellectual, eager, motivated, and thoroughly familiar with the issue at hand, as well as all of the related issues. They performed brilliantly in an extended crisis mode.
At no time was the information we were requesting and receiving "too much to process." Early on, Admiral Blair and Rear Admiral Porterfield recognized the potential for unrest and crisis, and supported all command activities to prepare for all possible outcomes. I and my people updated both of them daily with briefings, papers, and direct consultation, which increased in intensity and scope as events unfolded. We aggressively worked with all relevant and engaged national-level agencies and elements for our intelligence collection requirements, and based upon national-level reconciliation we were given what was available and appropriate to the situation. So, yes, we were receiving increased collection and reporting, through all intelligence disciplines and channels, not merely the ones Priest cites. At no time was anything we were doing or being asked to do too much for us to process. At no time was the information that we were requesting from national-level intelligence collection too much for us to process. The support we received from the commanding officer of JICPAC, now Marine Major General Mike Ennis, was outstanding in every possible way. He supported our needs and actions personally and fully, a consummate professional and engaged commanding officer. Whatever resources and assets we requested, he personally attended to those needs, immediately.
I challenge Ms. Priest to name the source(s) who provided such grossly incorrect information. I was present in Hawaii as she did her research there, and at no time were either my FAO partner or I contacted to discuss our roles in the crisis.
I offer a highly telling anecdote which illustrates Ms. Priest's qualifications to write on this specific issue: Upon entering JICPAC for the very first time, Ms. Priest asked informally and good-naturedly of her escorts, "Why is the Australian flag flying outside?" Yes, both Pacific Command and JICPAC work very closely with our Australian partners, always have, and enjoy doing so immensely. But JICPAC does not fly a foreign flag at its quarter deck. Of course, Ms. Priest had mistaken the Hawaiian flag with its Union Jack in the upper left corner as the Australian flag, telling the intelligence specialists, researchers, and analysts more than enough about her true familiarity with Pacific Command, a small yet true measure of the depth of expertise and background knowledge Priest brought to her work in the US Pacific Command theater.
Bottom Line: Take this book as a historical account of the now-gone days of the power and prestige of the theater commands, a late 90s snapshot. That being said, the book is fundamentally flawed and factually incorrect, at least as far as chapter ten reads. I cannot speak for the remainder of the work, but my direct and intimate experience with the events she grossly incorrectly describes here is more than enough for me to dismiss this book in its entirety.
Book Description
This digital document is an article from The Army Doctrine and Training Bulletin, published by Canadian Army Journal on June 22, 2003. The length of the article is 1008 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: A Military Culture at War with Itself The Mission: Waging War and Keeping Peace with America's Military.
Author: Mike Capstick
Publication:
The Army Doctrine and Training Bulletin (Magazine/Journal)
Date: June 22, 2003
Publisher: Canadian Army Journal
Volume: 6
Issue: 2
Page: 53
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Present arms.(The Mission: Waging War and Keeping Peace with America's Military)(Book Review): An article from: Policy Review
Bruce Berkowitz
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Book Description
This digital document is an article from Policy Review, published by Hoover Institution Press on October 1, 2003. The length of the article is 2943 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: Present arms.(The Mission: Waging War and Keeping Peace with America's Military)(Book Review)
Author: Bruce Berkowitz
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Policy Review (Refereed)
Date: October 1, 2003
Publisher: Hoover Institution Press
Issue: 121
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Foreword to the Past: A Cultural History of the Baltic People
Endre Bojtar
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Over time at least four meanings have been attributed to the term 'Baltic' - drawing on thirty years of extensive research, Foreword to the Past is the first modern introduction to the enigma of the Baltic origins and the self-identification of the Baltic people.
The book is divided into three distinctive parts: the first part recounts the history of the Baltic peoples relying on archaeological sources; the second part provides an objective linguistic history and a description of the Baltic languages; the third part provides an original and fresh insight into mythology in the ancient history of the Baltic peoples.
With its helpful maps and figures, Foreword to the Past is an un-paralleled and original cultural exploration of the Baltic people.
Book Description
Expert academic and pharmaceutical researchers describe their best capillary electrophoresis techniques for protein and peptide analysis. The authors present cutting-edge techniques for both capillary coatings and analytic detection via laser-induced fluorescence, for the development and commercialization of biopharmaceuticals, and for affinity capillary electrophoresis in the evaluation of protein binding, including the use of protein charge ladders. Areas of special interest covered include combining CE and capillary isoelectric focusing with electrospray mass spectrometry detection to perform proteomic studies and applications in the field of protein-ligand binding.
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This digital document is a journal article from Analytica Chimica Acta, published by Elsevier in 2007. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Media Library immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
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A highly sensitive nanomechanical cantilever sensor assay based on an electrical measurement has been developed for detecting activated cyclic adenosine monophosphate (cyclic AMP)-dependent protein kinase (PKA). Employing a peptide derived from the heat-stable protein kinase inhibitor (PKI), a magnetic bead system was first selected as a vehicle to immobilize the PKI-(5-24) peptide for capturing PKA catalytic subunit and the activity assay was applied for indirectly assessing the binding. Synergistic interactions of adenosine triphosphate (ATP) and the peptide inhibitor with the kinase were then investigated by a solution phase capillary electrophoretic assay, and by surface plasmon resonance technology which involved immobilization of the peptide inhibitor. After systemically evaluated by a homogeneous direct binding assay, the ATP-dependent recognition of the catalytic subunit of PKA by PKI-(5-24) was successfully transferred on to the nanomechanical cantilevers at protein concentrations of 6.6pM-66nM, exhibiting much higher sensitivity and wider dynamic range than the conventional activity assay. Thus, direct assessment of activated kinases using the cantilever sensor system functionalized with specific peptide inhibitors holds great promise in analytical applications and clinical medicine.
Book Description
This digital document is a journal article from Analytica Chimica Acta, published by Elsevier in 2007. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Media Library immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
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Protein phosphorylation is one of the most important post-translational modifications (PTM), however, the detection of phosphorylation in proteins using mass spectrometry (MS) remains challenging. This is because many phosphorylated proteins are only present in low abundance, and the ionization of the phosphorylated components in MS is very inefficient compared to the non-phosphorylated counterparts. Recently, we have reported a selective injection technique that can separate phosphopeptides from non-phosphorylated peptides due to the differences in their isoelectric points (pI) [1]. Phosphorylated peptides from @a-casein were clearly observed at low femtomole level using MALDI MS. In this work, further developments on selective injection of phosphopeptides are presented to enhance its capability in handling higher sample complexity. The approach is to integrate selective injection with a sample stacking technique used in capillary electrophoresis to enrich the sample concentration, followed by electrophoresis to fractionate the components in preparation for MALDI MS analysis. The effectiveness of the selective injection and stacking was evaluated quantitatively using a synthetic phosphopeptide as sample, with an enrichment factor of up to 600 being recorded. Next, a tryptic digest of @a-casein was used to evaluate the separation and fractionation of peptides for MALDI MS analysis. The elution order of phosphopeptides essentially followed the order of decreasing number of phosphates on the peptides. Finally, to illustrate the applicability, the integrated procedure was applied to evaluate the phosphorylation of a highly phosphorylated protein, osteopontin. Up to 41 phosphopeptides were observed, which allowed us to examine the phosphorylation of all 29 possible sites previously reported [2]. A high level of heterogeneity in the phosphorylation of OPN was evident by the multiple-forms of variable phosphorylation detected for a large number of peptides.
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Forest of Discord: Options for Governing Our National Forests and Federal Public Lands
Manufacturer: Society of American Foresters.
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- The Opium Wars: The Addiction of One Empire and the Corruption of Another
- The Order of the Death's Head: The Story of Hitler's SS (Classic Military History)
- The Paradox of American Power: Why the World's Only Superpower Can't Go It Alone
- The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000
- The Roman Legions Recreated in Colour Photographs (Europa Militaria Specials)
- The Sea Hunters II
- The Second World War, Volume 2: Their Finest Hour
- The Spanish Civil War: A Very Short Introduction (Very Short Introductions)
- The Tide at Sunrise: A History of the Russo-Japanese War, 1904-05
- The VICTORS : Eisenhower and His Boys: The Men of World War II
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