Book Description
During May 1968, students and workers in France united in the biggest strike and the largest mass movement in French history. Protesting capitalism, American imperialism, and Gaullism, 9 million people from all walks of life, from shipbuilders to department store clerks, stopped working. The nation was paralyzed—no sector of the workplace was untouched. Yet, just thirty years later, the mainstream image of May '68 in France has become that of a mellow youth revolt, a cultural transformation stripped of its violence and profound sociopolitical implications.
Kristin Ross shows how the current official memory of May '68 came to serve a political agenda antithetical to the movement's aspirations. She examines the roles played by sociologists, repentant ex-student leaders, and the mainstream media in giving what was a political event a predominantly cultural and ethical meaning. Recovering the political language of May '68 through the tracts, pamphlets, and documentary film footage of the era, Ross reveals how the original movement, concerned above all with the question of equality, gained a new and counterfeit history, one that erased police violence and the deaths of participants, removed workers from the picture, and eliminated all traces of anti-Americanism, anti-imperialism, and the influences of Algeria and Vietnam. May '68 and Its Afterlives is especially timely given the rise of a new mass political movement opposing global capitalism, from labor strikes and anti-McDonald's protests in France to the demonstrations against the World Trade Organization in Seattle.
Customer Reviews:
The fables and foibles of history.......2002-05-04
This is a smart and lively book about how French politicians, media, and other groups have coopted the Paris strikes and uprising of May '68 to their own ends. The ways in which that event--the largest strike in French history--transformed French and European culture are explored by Ross, a formidable presence in the area of French cultural studies. Smart, succint writing--richly anecdotal yet theoretically sophisticated--this book should soon prove a classic in modern French studies and in Sixties culture.
Book Description
One of America's leading foreign policy thinkers provides an "important and compelling" look at today's new power realities Thomas L. Friedman, The New York Times
In a time of war and uncertainty, The Ideas That Conquered the World offers a major statement about the fault lines of the twenty-first century, from globalization to terrorism, from great-power conflict to common security. Michael Mandelbaum argues that three ideas dominate the world: peace as the preferred basis for relations between and among countries, democracy as the optimal way to organize political life, and free markets as the indispensable vehicle for the creation of wealth. While not practiced everywhere, they have-for the first time in history-no serious rivals. The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 and the American military excursions into Afghanistan and Iraq that followed have not changed this.
In The Ideas That Conquered the World, Michael Mandelbaum describes the uneven spread over the past two centuries of peace, democracy, and free markets around the world. And he assesses the prospects for these ideas in the years to come, giving particular attention to the United States, which bears the greatest responsibility for protecting and promoting them, and to Russia, China, and the Middle East, where their fate will affect the rest of the world.
Customer Reviews:
A brilliant read.......2006-01-14
Quite a brilliant work, this book is a synopsis of the ideas that have `conquered the world' in the 20th century, ideas that remain a benchmark of America's policies in the world. The first policy is capitalism, the idea of free markets was challenged by Marxism, an ideology that proved itself a nightmare and a destructive, coercive, suppressive influence in the last century. Secondly the author brilliantly demonstrates how democracy was originally encouraged at the Versailles conference following WWI where Woodrow Wilson made `war for democracy' a policy of America. Lastly he examines how `peace' as a virtue of classical liberalism is the pursuit of today's most powerful nations. In previous periods of history powerful nations sued their power destructively in wars of conquest, such as the Romans, the English or Napoleon. Today's American `empire' is not one of war, despite the war in Iraq, but rather of a restrained giant using its power to coerce other nations to follow the methods of democracy, peace and free markets, however the coercive influence of America is not like Rome or England or Communist Russia, or Fascist Germany, rather it is one where power is used selectively, in a clauswitzien sense, only as the last resort of politics. Power organizations such as the Un, the World Bank and the IMF use pressure for democracy to go hand in hand with their loans tot third world nations, while not always successful this policy is slowly bringing democracy, equality, and freedoms to places like Latin America, where in the 1950s almost all countries were dictatorships. The `ideas the conquered the world' also run counter to the theory that human nature is hobbesian, in the sense that we are told by cynics that Islam is not compatible with democracy or that Catholicism is not compatible, these canards have been thrown out by those who seek to bring the American revolution to the world. This is the thesis of this book and the historical synopsis presented, brilliant, interesting and controversial.
Seth J. Frantzman
Integrated solutions for the enhancement of peace, democracy, and free markets.......2005-12-11
On page 398, Mandelbaum provides what I consider the most significant words in his book: "So a world of liberal sovereign states qualifies as the second-best solution, after WORLD GOVERNMENT, to the problems of nuclear war, economic collapse, and global climate change. If not the best of all imaginable solutions, it is the best of all feasible ones."
However, the greater the number of, and the more powerful, the illiberal states are, then the so-called best feasible solution becomes even more infeasible. There must be integrated frameworks or solutions for the enhancement of peace, democracy, and free markets, which happen to work only when they do, and only when they work together.
But how do we get them to work as a triad, not individually ? This is the important question. I believe that the answer lies in any framework that promotes direct genuine people empowerment within each state.
One way is the creation of positive composite institutions, or the transformation of the well-funded international foundations into positive composite institutions, the end-object of which is the promotion of direct people empowerment within the illiberal zones of their own countries, and within the less liberal states in the less-developed world.
It is no longer a question of "what" and "object", but of "how" and "ways and means".
Veredigno Atienza
"Creating Systems of Justice: Philanthropy at the Highest Level"
Virtuous Circle of Free Markets, Democracy and Peace.......2004-05-10
Michael Mandelbaum clearly explains that the liberal theory of history is made up of two tenets:
1. Free markets, through their workings such as constitutionalism, civil society, the rule of law, property-protecting and contract-enforcing state, entrepreneurship, competition and mass consumption, tend to promote democracy and enrich most of their economic agents over time (pg. 11, 234-237, 257, 268-274, 289-295, 313-318, 394). A responsible social safety net, however, is key to stability of free markets (pg. 299-304, 340-341, 402).
2. Democracies are inclined to conduct peaceful foreign policies (pg. 11, 237). Popular sovereignty, constitutionalism, civil society and political habit of compromise are key drivers of peace and minority protection (pg. 249-250, 259, 269). Furthermore, defense dominance and weapon system transparency are built on the recognition that the problem of collective security can only be solved through systemic cooperation nurtured over time (pg. 113-114, 129-131, 231).
The common denominator of free markets, democracy and peace is their focus on the individual (pg. 31). Illiberalism such as Communism and Fascism stresses the strength of the state through group cohesion and solidarity rather than the welfare of individuals (pg. 254, 336).
Before WWI, this set of liberal ideas was not firmly established in the British Empire and the U.S. from which it came. Britain was the most fervent advocate of free trade but was clearly ambivalent about self-government beyond its White Dominions and dismissal of any limit to power projection. The U.S. was protectionist rather than a convert to free trade, was an impire rather than an empire until the 1890s and had not yet granted the benefits of democracy to all its inhabitants in spite of its unequivocal constitution (pg. 33, 87).
At the Conference of Paris in 1919 just after WWI, President Woodrow Wilson could not convince the victorious empires how closely related were the rise of free markets and the devaluation of war. The high price of war to the victors and perhaps more importantly poor salesmanship from President Wilson himself in the U.S. and abroad ultimately led to the rise and dismissal of an emasculated League of Nations and disastrous economic protectionism in the 1930s (pg. 20-24, 359, 363, 393).
The emergence of Fascism and Communism, two new murderous, inefficient rivals to Liberalism, was the bitterest legacy of WWI, the Conference of Paris and subsequent peace conferences (pg. 33, 41, 54-55). Liberalism succeeded in defeating and discrediting Fascism at the end of WWII in 1945 and Communism at the end of the Cold War in 1989 (pg. 253).
The liberal theory of history has found its historical validation for example in the successful conversion of fascist Germany and Japan to Liberalism in the decades after their crushing defeat in 1945. These successful conversions to Liberalism demonstrate which way the lagging peripheral countries should go to ultimately emerge in the limelight (pg. 6, 79-86, 174-181, 279-280).
Mandelbaum also reminds his audience that in the post-cold war era, the core countries have lost much interest in what is going on in the periphery (pg. 96, 198-199). China, Russia and the Middle East are three major exceptions to this loss of interest in the periphery (pg. 7). Core countries legitimately fear that undesirable developments in some peripheral countries, especially failed states, if left unchecked, could have a negative impact in their backyard (pg. 182-187).
The Middle East is of interest to core countries due to its reserves of oil, the existence of weapons of mass destruction and the presence of fearsome terrorist networks on its soil (pg. 97-99, 199-230). Operation Iraqi Freedom is an expression of this interest in the region on behalf of a well-understood Liberalism (pg. 403-412).
China and Russia remain a source of concern to the core countries because they have not yet fully embraced the tenets of Liberalism (pg. 306-307, 390-391). Like Germany at the beginning of the 20th century, Russia and China are not satisfied with their military place in the world today and can become a source of instability tomorrow (pg. 160-174). Furthermore, both countries harbor powerful economic ambitions (pg. 160). The inability of economic socialism to be productive enough and meet the wants and needs of its economic agents behind the military sphere has made a gradual transition to economic liberalism vital to the survival of the Chinese and Russian nomenklatura (pg. 48, 52, 66-67, 99-104, 261-265, 291, 309). No Communist regime in the 20th century came to power through a coup d'etat staged by an impoverished, mobilized and ideologically committed working class (pg. 233).
The current liberal hegemony, which is not per se irreversible, does not make everybody happy. Some of its most determined opponents include Middle Eastern terrorists and the western-inspired anti-globalization movement who do not offer any constructive, workable alternative to Liberalism (pg. 38-39).
The United States, spiritual successor of the British Empire, has a key role to play in the successful spread and survival of this Wilsonian triad (pg. 7, 88, 327, 358, 381-382, 404). The technological, economic, military and cultural leadership of the U.S. requires that Americans bear a higher burden than their fair share in the maintenance and development of Liberalism (pg. 88, 153, 364-365, 389). The harshest critics of the U.S. for example in Europe and Asia should keep this in mind instead of taking it for granted (pg. 153, 363-365, 388-390).
Passing interest in the (most dangerous) failed states is a recipe for disaster (pg. 193-199). In too many places around the world, democracy and capitalism are foreign transplants that must be cultivated long enough to take deep roots (pg. 259-260, 297-298, 311-313, 386-387). Ultimately, with might come not only rights but also responsibilities (pg. 388-389).
This is a magnificent book.......2003-09-21
This is a magnificent book - I can happily recommend it to anyone, regardless of their politics (an all too rare thing these days, as the culture wars spread ever wider). The West ought to remember its roots, and why it is where it is today. A book like this is therefore very timely and well worth reading. Christopher Catherwood, historian, teacher and author of CHRISTIANS, MUSLIMS AND ISLAMIC RAGE (Zondervan, 2003)
Bold, and Brilliant.......2003-09-13
It is rare these days to find a book on world affairs that has an original and provocative thesis and that is also a pleasure to read. Mandelbaum has written just such a volume. His purpose is nothing less than to identify the main forces--markets and democracy--shaping the contemporary world, and he does so by moving effortlessly from the overall claim to real-world examples and back again. The lines of the forest are always in view but there are plenty of trees, and the main argument is made with compelling clarity, conviction, and the occasional bit of humor. Despite Mandelbaum's crystal clear prose, it's apparent that some reviewers (see below) fail to grasp his main points. Fundamentalist Islam as an alternative to liberal democratic capitalism? Just where exactly have people, when given the opportunity to freely elect their leaders, chosen a Taliban-like model? And what have such regimes, when they have grabbed power, brought people except poverty and brutality? As for the absence of capitalism in the Judeo-Christian world in the 7th and 8th centuries (!), one need not have read Karl Polanyi's "Great Transformation" to understand that many complex changes had to unfold before national markets arose; any regular history book should suffice. Modern democracy, too, could not have taken root over a thousand years ago for precisely the same reason. Mandelbaum is not saying that all you need for markets and democracy is the Judeo-Christian ethic; he identifies it as being AMONG the critical factors that promoted their growth. Alas, even the most lucid writer is fated to have his ideas misunderstood. Buy the book; it's terrific.
Customer Reviews:
Excellent read despite some questionable twists on history.......2007-01-26
Mandelbaum writes extremely well and weaves a broad scope of topics into a central theme about the Wilsonian ideals that predominate the modern world. For anyone interested in international relations and modern history, this book makes for a great read. Referenced historical facts are well foot-noted but sometimes the author seems to twist some facts to fit some point he is making. For example, he suggests that popular sovereignty originated with the French Revolution when we know that years earlier the American revolutionaries had drafted the US Constitution which clearly maps out a government of popular sovereignty. Other such distortions and hyperbole appear in the book, but by and large it seems to be factually correct.
Book Description
This digital document is an article from Parameters, published by U.S. Army War College on June 22, 2003. The length of the article is 881 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: The Ideas that Conquered the World: Peace, Democracy, and Free Markets in the Twenty-first Century. (Book Reviews).
Author: Andrew Olson
Publication:
Parameters (Refereed)
Date: June 22, 2003
Publisher: U.S. Army War College
Volume: 33
Issue: 2
Page: 144(2)
Distributed by Thomson Gale
Book Description
This digital document is an article from Military Review, published by Thomson Gale on November 1, 2005. The length of the article is 538 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: The Ideas That Conquered The World: Peace, Democracy, and Free Markets in the Twenty-First Century.(Book Review)
Author: John H. Barnhill
Publication:
Military Review (Magazine/Journal)
Date: November 1, 2005
Publisher: Thomson Gale
Volume: 85
Issue: 6
Page: 91(2)
Article Type: Book Review
Distributed by Thomson Gale
Book Description
This digital document is an article from World Policy Journal, published by World Policy Institute on March 22, 2003. The length of the article is 6051 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: The Lion and the Lamb. (Books).(Book Review) (book review)
Author: David C. Hendrickson
Publication:
World Policy Journal (Refereed)
Date: March 22, 2003
Publisher: World Policy Institute
Volume: 20
Issue: 1
Page: 93(10)
Article Type: Book Review
Distributed by Thomson Gale
Book Description
"The Moment of Complexity is a profoundly original work. In remarkable and insightful ways, Mark Taylor traces an entirely new way to view the evolution of our culture, detailing how information theory and the scientific concept of complexity can be used to understand recent developments in the arts and humanities. This book will ultimately be seen as a classic."-John L. Casti, Santa Fe Institute, author of Gödel: A Life of Logic, the Mind, and Mathematics
The science of complexity accounts for that inscrutable mix of chaos and order that governs our natural world. Complexity explains how networks emerge and function, how species organize into ecosystems, how stars form into galaxies, and how just a few sequences of DNA can account for so many different life forms. Recently, the idea of complexity has taken the worlds of business and politics by storm. The concept is used to account for phenomena as varied as the behavior of the stock market, the response of voting populations, and the effects of risk management. Even Disney has used complexity theory to manage crowd control at its theme parks.
Given the startling development of new information technologies, we now live in a moment of unprecedented complexity, an era in which change occurs faster than our ability to comprehend it. With The Moment of Complexity, Mark C. Taylor offers a timely map for this unfamiliar terrain opening in our midst, unfolding an original philosophy through a remarkable synthesis of science and culture. According to Taylor, complexity is not just a breakthrough scientific concept, but the defining quality of the post-Cold War era. The flux of digital currents swirling around us, he argues, has created a new network culture with its own distinctive logic and dynamic.
Drawing on resources from information theory and evolutionary biology, Taylor explains the operation of complex adaptive systems in social and cultural processes and captures a whole new zeitgeist in the making. To appreciate the significance of our emerging network culture, he claims, we need not only to understand contemporary scientific and technological transformations, but also to explore the subtle influences of art, architecture, philosophy, religion, and higher education. The Moment of Complexity, then, is a remarkable work of cultural analysis on a scale rarely seen today. To follow its trajectory is to learn how we arrived at this critical moment in our culture, and to know where we might head in the twenty-first century.
Customer Reviews:
An intriguing and panoramic tapestry of insights.......2006-04-28
If you want to take a long and deep look at the dynamics that are at play in these most chaotic times of ours, read Mark Taylor's The Moment of Complexity.
He has delicately taken threads from such an array of fields as art and architecture, literature and science, philosophy and education; then, he proceeds to weave them into an intriguing and panoramic tapestry of insights-the lucidity of which makes one giddy and, at times, even dizzy.
I would predict that with this book, Mark Taylor joins that select group of thinkers (Alfred North Whitehead, Buckminster Fuller, Marshall McLuhan, etc) who have periodically synthesized present cultural and scientific knowledge into a lucid and stimulating vision-one that is accessible to a large and diverse audience.
This book is THAT important and crucially relevant to all who want to deliberately participate in the 'moment of complexity' that is upon us.
Deep but Clear.......2006-02-28
I'm finding this to be very clear but not on a simple level. Subject matter is repeated from various angles so as to gradually build up more and more comprehensive logic and visualization of the theories and concepts. Author clarifies the differences between chaos and complexity, and shows how complexity exists in the physical and the social realms. I'm reading this book in conjunction with others, namely The Quantum Brain, by Jeffrey Santinover, and Symmetry and the Beautiful Universe, by Leon M. Lederman and Christopher T. Hill, and these books support and overlap each other.
Complex complexity.......2004-03-17
A short time ago, I went on a buying spree of complexity titles. This is the worst one I have read. If you want to understand complexity, avoid this book. Even if some parts (or rather paragraphs) are interesting, most of it is composed of quote after quote of other texts, and mixtures of things that have nothing to do with each other, such as emergence and the self-portraits of Chuck Close.
Really, if you want to understand complexity, or network culture, or emergence, stick to the classics.
Amazing And Very Thorough - "Shallow" This Book Is So Not!.......2004-01-08
Unlike Richard Lightburn below, who, after acknowledging that he knows relatively nothing about chaos, catastrophe, and complexity theory, goes on to assert that Mark Taylor "has it all wrong", "is...naive and superficial", and speaks "gibberish", I am going to give you a hint of what's really in these pages, as the other reviewers seem keen on doing.
I won't go overboard, but to call this book "shallow" is absurd. Mark Taylor explores the intersection of chaos/catastrophe/complexity theory (which he ably distinguishes between, with rave reviews to that effect from two of the main proponents of these theories), critical theory (which Richard Lightweight clearly is not patient enough to digest), architecture (fascinating inclusion based upon grids evolving to networks), and networking theory.
The chapter on architecture alone, if tackled with due respect and patience, and willing to tease out the details and nuance that Taylor is drawing, is worth the price of the book alone, and that's the first chapter after the introduction. The next chapter on critical theory is even more challenging, and definitely the point where an eager reader seeking to learn about chaos, complexity, and networking theory is going to wonder what the hell is wrong with this book.
Perhaps if such a reader went back to the introduction, he would gratefully realize that these first two difficult chapters are not necessary to or a prerequisite for the next several chapters which go into, depth and detail, the fascinating theories he's seeking.
Having reached these chapters now myself, I will reap what the first two chapters slowly sewed (though, to be honest, the explanation of critical theory, and Foucault's work in particular, is a very challenging read, and makes one yearn for something simple like "rocket science"). So if that's not your bag, then just skip the critical theory chapter, but don't miss the architectural chapter on the "grid". It's worth the time.
As, I'm sure, is the rest. We'll see...
Theory of Everything.......2002-05-08
Mark C. Taylor is among those very rare writers and thinkers who are able to take many disparate disciplines of knowledge and perform a synthesis which creates wisdom. With "The Moment of Complexity" he does this and more. The book is not a technical treatise on a specific field, not a presentation of new scientific findings; it's not even one of those futurist manifestos that all those former Wired Magazine journalists churn out so frequently. Rather, "Complexity" is what I would call a "theory of everything" book.
With this book it's evident that Taylor has been thinking about certain heady concepts for at least all of his adult life. Indeed, I've also read an earlier work of his, "Hiding," that touches on some of the same ideas. But with Complexity he has honed his thinking and added even more contributing topics, all zeroing in to our current turbulent moment of history.
It's difficult to describe briefly what this theory of everything entails, as you might expect with most theories of everything. Taylor's is personal and professional, and it's been developing since the 1960s. It includes a sometimes dizzying array of topics and references to other thinkers, including artificial life, chaos theory, information theory, evolution, semiotics, cultural studies, Derrida, Foucault, Baudrillard, Kant, Hegel, Marx, Lamarck, the history of the modern university, cybernetics, emergent phenomena, fashion, intellectual property... and more!
Taylor somehow manages to weave a coherent and compelling tapestry out of all these threads, with results I can only describe as profound and inspirational. By looking at recent history and its social upheavals through a lens informed by the latest ideas in these fields, he arrives at a very convincing and intriguing picture of the fundamentally different sort of world we are seeing develop around us right now.
Beside the wise observation and intelligent synthesis, though, he also does something else that's very rare with these sorts of projects: he attempts to explain his theory in practice. The last chapter of the book tells of his experiences over the past few years creating a new kind of company engaged in shifting some paradigms in higher education. It's great to see how Taylor has tried to put his ideas to work in the field that he knows best; as a professor, his personal and professional experience with colleges and universities are where his "theory of everything" touches the ground. Still, though it's a tall order, I would have loved to see perhaps one more real-world example. Perhaps this would have required partnering with someone from another field to co-author one more chapter, but the connections between the heady wisdom and the real world would have then been that much more clear.
However, that's a minor criticism. All in all, "The Moment of Complexity" is a book I would recommend highly. Anyone with a bit of patience, an ability to grasp some extended analogies, and a hunger to connect our present time with past developments in multiple streams of thought, should read this book.
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Achieving Environmental Objectives
Manufacturer: World Conservation Union
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback
 General
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| Business & Investing
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Conservation
| Environment
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General
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Reference
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ASIN: 2831708435 |
Book Description
This digital document is a journal article from Environmental Science and Policy, published by Elsevier in 2006. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Media Library immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Description:
The future of Earth's natural capital, and the ecosystem service benefits it supplies humanity, hinges on whether conservation and restoration become economically attractive and commonplace on lands managed for profit. Sustainable forestry is a potential means of making restoration profitable; in most of the world, it remains the only way to reforest large areas while maintaining economic viability for the landowner. Here we explore the potential benefits and limitations of native tree forestry as an economically viable conservation tool in the context of a case study-koa forestry on Hawaii Island. We conducted interviews with practitioners and scientists to evaluate koa forestry as means of restoring natural capital in Hawaii. Our interviews demonstrated strong interest in the ecological and economic potential of koa, but the respondents also cited a litany of concerns. Koa's attractiveness to private landowners is hampered by a lack of silvicultural information (particularly on native trees such as koa), the challenge of balancing profit and biodiversity, wariness of government involvement, and perhaps most importantly, large upfront costs and having to wait several decades for revenue from timber harvest. Establishing new revenue streams for non-timber ecosystem services of koa forests - through government or private sector payments - could greatly enhance the attractiveness of this land use to a diverse set of landowners.
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