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Christopher Hitchens doesn't mince words when it comes to Henry Kissinger, the former secretary of state and national-security advisor: Kissinger deserves vigorous prosecution "for war crimes, for crimes against humanity, and for offenses against common or customary or international law, including conspiracy to commit murder, kidnap, and torture." The Trial of Henry Kissinger is a masterpiece of polemics; even readers who don't agree that its target is an emanation of "official evil" will appreciate the verve and style brought to Hitchens's fiery brief. ("A good liar must have a good memory: Kissinger is a stupendous liar with a remarkable memory.")
The book is best understood as a prosecutorial document--both because Hitchens limits his critique to what he believes might stand up in an international court of law following precedents set at Nuremberg and elsewhere, and also because his treatment of Kissinger is far from evenhanded. The charges themselves are astonishing, as they link Kissinger to war casualties in Vietnam, massacres in Bangladesh and Timor, and assassinations in Chile, Cyprus, and Washington, D.C. After reading this book, one wants very badly to hear a full response from the defendant. Hitchens, a writer for Vanity Fair and The Nation, is a man of the Left, though he has a history of skewering both Democrats (he is the author of a provocative book on the Clintons, No One Left to Lie To) as well as Republicans (Kissinger).
At the root of this latest effort is moral outrage, and a call for Americans, of all people, not to ignore Kissinger's record: "They can either persist in averting their gaze from the egregious impunity enjoyed by a notorious war criminal and lawbreaker, or they can become seized by the exalted standards to which they continually hold everyone else," writes Hitchens. "If the courts and lawyers of this country will not do their duty, we shall watch as the victims and survivors of this man pursue justice and vindication in their own dignified and painstaking way, and at their own expense, and we shall be put to shame." --John J. Miller
Book Description
Drawing on first-hand testimony, previously unpublished documentation and broad sweeps through material released under the Freedom of Information Act, Hitchens mounts a devastating indictment of a man whose ambition and ruthlessness have directly resulted in both individual murders and widespread, indiscriminate slaughter.
Customer Reviews:
Excellent Reporting and Criticism.......2007-10-06
Hitchens' logic and reasoning are impeccable; his willingness to take on controversial topics renews my faith in the liberties we have in America, including freedom of speech and of the press.
Unresolved wrongs haunt American foreign policy.......2007-09-30
Armies of wealthy lawyers manipulating with lies and secrecy can only go so far when truth and justice are demanded by the masses across the world. Hitchens' and the American public's search for truth is stymied by what should be the people's Library of Congress.
Historians fail at their job if they from here on out do not address Hitchens' list of crimes or what Wikipedia calls the "charges of the Left." Kissinger claims immunity. The powerful in government and business seek him out. Our failure to address wrongs leads to a repetition of behaviors in the present. So the past is the present, as long as we allow.
Sure, the picture can always be drawn more broadly, with more complexity. Events are often over-determined, with multiple causes and responsible parties. Nevertheless, the truth is crying out in the streets. Thanks to journalists like Hitchens, enough is known that anyone claiming ignorance is complicit.
Did our fears of communism justify these immoral behaviors? Here the Right must present its case. But no one does. Is fear its own justification? So many millions of slaughtered human beings, for what? And no one is held responsible.
In fact, Hitchens points out Kissinger can no longer be simply thought of as the voice of American realpolitik. He was driven by his own corrupt attitudes toward power and self-aggrandizement. He is not credible, though he still continues to be sought out for his voice of authority. It's shameful and those who embrace him irresponsibly should be put to shame.
For all the discomfort and ugliness of having to bring larger-than-life characters like Kissinger to judgment, the wrongs that flow from not doing so are much worse. America will be held to account one way or another sooner or later for excusing and denying behaviors acted out on the world stage in our name.
I enjoy Hitchens' style. He's sharp and witty, even funny as he reveals all. The letters back and forth at the end of the book I found especially humorous. It reminded me of a gossipy Victorian novel. Life is so serious and yet its central characters can often appear silly and small. The more they try to escape the more they're caught in their own webs.
Postscript: Just maybe I should read more about Kissinger. Since posting this review I've read Hitchen's overly-heated critique of Michael Moore's movie going into the Iraq War. He defitely does not "get" Michael Moore. To me Michael Moore is clearly just presenting his own Joe Blow experience and reactions and lostness after 9/11. I never would have imagined anyone would try to take anything he was saying as the final word (many did). That Moore is also funny in the midst of serious issues just seems to be expressive of who he is. The humor highlights even more that we are looking through Moore's eyes. Hitchen's totally missed in his read of this fellow human being, so too he may well have missed with Kissinger. Anyway, my doubts have been raised.
Beginnng of US Truth and Reconciliation with Rest of World.......2006-11-28
This extraordinary book is the "first word" about Henry Kissinger's culpability for war crimes that may yet see him hanged (highly unlikely but worth mentioning for "awakening" value); but it also brings together a number of themes discussed in more detail by other authors, and I want to start with those before detailing the author's superb and very studied denunciation of Henry Kissinger, a denunciation all the more timely as Donald Rumsfeld is charged with war crimes where a US general officer is testifying against him.
First off, there is the matter of the end of sovereign immunity. This trend could be perceived when the United Nations established that human rights and human security were sufficient to warrant INTERVENTION, and is detailed in the most amazing intellectual and legal review of Philip Allott of Cambridge, in his book HEALTH OF NATIONS: Society and Law Beyond the State, in which he explicitly calls for the overturning of the Treaty of Westphalia, and the re-examination of borders carved by the colonial powers and against hundreds of years of tribal distinction.
Then there is the matter of government integrity. It is now undeniably established that the US Government and the Executive in particular, lies to Congress and the public as a matter of routine. These lies tend to be exposed in the ten-fifteen year time frame (some sooner, as with CIA and other whistle-blowers four years into the war on Iraq), but at the twenty five year mark, there is a clear "explosion" of illumination. Robert Parry, LOST HISTORY: Contras, Cocaine, the Press, & Project Truth" is one book in this vein; while Larry Beinhart's FOG FACTS: Searching for Truth in the Land of Spin addresses a different aspect.
Finally, one has the general matter of whether the US as a Nation is represented overseas as America the Good, which most US citizens would like to believe, or America the war-mongering, predatory, immoral "rogue nation." The books documenting the latter are legion, from Derek Leebaert's THE FIFTY YEAR WOUND to Chalmers Johnson SORROWS OF EMPIRE to my fellow moderate Republican Clyde Prestowitz's ROGUE NATION: American Unilateralism and the Failure of Good Intentions. On the corporate side, one has many many books, among which John Perkins, Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, and William Greider's THE SOUL OF CAPITALISM: Opening Paths to a Moral Economy, stand out.
My point is that this author's crucification of Henry Kissinger on the basis of documented facts, in a historical context, is NOT a "hit job" or by any stretch of the imagination anything less than a sensible legal document that is a precursor to Kissinger inevitably being brought to justice.
Now to the specifics. The author focuses on the manner in which Kissinger specifically helped Nixon undermine the Paris peace discussions that could have brought Hubert Humphrey to office, with the result that fully 20,000 additional Americans were killed in Vietnam, and hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese, over the next four years. Henry Kissinger stands indicted--personally indicted--for the totally unnecessary and immoral death of 20,000 US and 100,000+ others (closer to millions, actually, but how many life sentences can he receive...)
The author:
1) focuses on the manner in which Kissinger explicitly supported specific dictators in their genocidal endeavors, violating the U.S. Constitution and a variety of laws both domestic and international.
2) excels at discussing details, such as the indiscriminate nature of B-52 bombings, and points out that we put twice as much tonnage of bombs on Vietnam as were fired during our entire World War II campaign.
3) lays out the manner in which Kissinger managed "two track" policies in which the State Department and the Ambassador were kept in the dark, and covert illegal operations were carried out by the CIA and the defense attaches. Chile, Indonesia, and Greece are featured.
4) is careful to note that in this book he is covering only four specific major documentable aspects of Kissinger's high crimes--he lists many others that do not make the cut but are equally reprehensible, such as the betrayal of the Kurds, the support for apartheid in South Africa, the Central American games, and the tortured regime of the Shah of Iran
5) suggests hat Kissinger pioneered US sponsored--state sponsored--terrorism in the modern era; he also pioneered rendition, that nasty little word that means "kidnap people so they can be tortured by others".
The author does not prove nor claim that Kissinger profited from his public position, but draws out compelling relationships between Kissinger, his private gain, and his political interventions. Much information remains to be revealed, I have no doubt that it will reveal Kissinger to be a world-class criminal guilty of betraying the American public and helping many dictators abuse their own populations.
The author closes with a concise legal summary that I suspect is as good a description as one can achieve of Kissinger's living nightmare. This book inspires, this book justifies, this book DEMANDS a truth and reconciliation commission to investigate both what has been done against Americans by their own government "in our name," and what has been done against the publics of the world, again "in our name."
I will close with three snippets.
The author suggests that now that international law has turned a corner, Kissinger must shudder with every dictator's arrest, fearful of what their testimony will disclose.
The author quotes General Taylor, reflecting on Vietnam in 1971, as saying that in comparison with the accusations and judgments of the Nuremberg trials, the White House and the senior generals serving in Vietnam clearly qualified for similar accusations and judgments.
Finally, the author suggests that Kissinger is not in fact an example of power as the ultimate aphrodisiac, but rather of power as the ultimate pornography. Norman Cousins, in The Pathology of Power, would certainly agree.
I concur with this author, and suggest that he has been too kind. America cannot afford any more pathological monsters in the White House. It's time we returned to America the good.
Excellent Book.......2006-08-13
This is an excellent book on the actions of Henry. The author did a good research on the actions of Kissinger in the countries mentioned in the book. A must buy book for your library.
No Laws No War Criminals - It Is That Simple.......2005-12-24
What is a "war criminal"? For all practical purposes it means you lost so you are the criminal, we won we bring peace and freedom. It gives an easy out and a simple legal mechanism to lock up or kill the opposing leaders at the end of hostilities.
Here is the problem - there is no consistent set of international laws. As an example, I just read the new book by Brzezinski "The Choice" - excellent book - and he thinks an effective World Court is many decades away. So at the present time we have individuals living in sovereign states that accept only that laws apply to individuals living within states, but the states themselves still have failed to grasp or have intentionally chosen to ignore the concept that sovereign states in dealing among themselves must (also) be governed by a set of international laws. Then when there is a problem anywhere (like Iraq or even Haiti) the first step is to go through a legal process. People like Kissinger in the past, and more recently Wolfowitz have decided on their own that they are above the law or can act with impunity. But even Jimmy Carter shipped material to Afghanistan to support an armed insurrection, and Reagan shipped goods (secretly) to Iraq, Iran and Nicaragua contrary even to US law, not just international laws. So this is a problem that extends well beyond Kissinger.
It is somewhat ironic that Jack Straw is condemning Israel in March 2004 for their acts against Hamas while he supports illegal intervention in Iraq in 2003. All in all there is a high degree of arbitrariness and hypocrisy.
So it follows that if the US or Britain are to be a democratic examples they must apply consistent legal standards to all international dealings and support international treaties and laws - to the letter of the laws, even if that is inconvenient, takes longer, and does not always result in the short term interests of the US being served. If some sort of international consensus cannot be reached then it is a "war of the jungle", and war crimes will always be an issue. It also follows that Middle East peace and an environment consensus will never be solved which is quite a depressing concept. So it is really a priority to strengthen international laws and institutions. At the moment it is shear nonsense to call Kissinger a war criminal since there are no laws to break.
Book Description
This digital document is an article from Siempre!, published by Edicional Siempre on March 21, 2001. The length of the article is 1712 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: Henry Kissinger podrÃa ser juzgado.(TT: Henry Kissinger could be put on trial.)
Author: Bernardo González Solano
Publication:
Siempre! (Refereed)
Date: March 21, 2001
Publisher: Edicional Siempre
Volume: 47
Issue: 2492
Page: 8
Distributed by Thomson Gale
Book Description
This digital document is an article from Letras Libres, published by Editorial Vuelta, S.A. de C.V. on September 1, 2001. The length of the article is 849 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: POLITICA: Kissinger en el banquillo.(The Trial of Henry Kissinger)(TT: Politics: Kissinger's trial.)(TA: The Trial of Henry Kissinger)(ArtÃculo Breve)
Author: León Krauze
Publication:
Letras Libres (Magazine/Journal)
Date: September 1, 2001
Publisher: Editorial Vuelta, S.A. de C.V.
Volume: 3
Issue: 33
Page: 99
Article Type: ArtÃculo Breve
Distributed by Thomson Gale
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This digital document is an article from Sojourners, published by Sojourners on November 1, 2001. The length of the article is 732 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: The trial of Henry Kissinger. (War Crimes and Misdemeanors).(Review)
Author: Joe Roos
Publication:
Sojourners (Magazine/Journal)
Date: November 1, 2001
Publisher: Sojourners
Volume: 30
Issue: 6
Page: 60(2)
Article Type: Book Review
Distributed by Thomson Gale
Average customer rating:
- Civl rights micro history
|
Defining the Peace: World War II Veterans, Race, and the Remaking of Southern Political Tradition
Jennifer E. Brooks
Manufacturer: The University of North Carolina Press
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ASIN: 0807855782
Release Date: 2004-12-01 |
Book Description
In the aftermath of World War II, Georgia's veterans--black, white, liberal, reactionary, pro-union, and anti-union--all found that service in the war enhanced their sense of male, political, and racial identity, but often in contradictory ways. In Defining the Peace, Jennifer E. Brooks shows how veterans competed in a protracted and sometimes violent struggle to determine the complex character of Georgia's postwar future.
Brooks finds that veterans shaped the key events of the era, including the gubernatorial campaigns of both Eugene Talmadge and Herman Talmadge, the defeat of entrenched political machines in Augusta and Savannah, the terrorism perpetrated against black citizens, the CIO's drive to organize the textile South, and the controversies that dominated the 1947 Georgia General Assembly. Progressive black and white veterans forged new grassroots networks to mobilize voters against racial and economic conservatives who opposed their vision of a democratic South. Most white veterans, however, opted to support candidates who favored a conservative program of modernization that aimed to alter the state's economic landscape while sustaining its anti-union and racial traditions.
As Brooks demonstrates, World War II veterans played a pivotal role in shaping the war's political impact on the South, generating a politics of race, anti-unionism, and modernization that stood as the war's most lasting political legacy.
Customer Reviews:
Civl rights micro history.......2007-07-18
This was required reading for a graduate course in American history.
Brooks book highlights another example of how Americans, demobilizing from a foreign war against racism and tyranny, became acutely aware of their own country's inconsistencies and hypocrisies about race and democracy. This article shows how returning veterans - both black and white - organized protests against the undemocratic machine in their home state of Georgia, but struggled with the degree to which they embraced racial change. Brooks argues that it is difficult to ascertain whether World War II helped inspire change, or just reinforced the status quo in Georgia and the South.
Using both primary sources, such as interviews and newspaper articles, and secondary sources, Brooks recounts the efforts of returning veterans. She regards veteran activism as a "barometer by which to measure the war's political impact" (564) and supports her argument by detailing the opinions of veterans and describing efforts of black and white veterans groups to jointly support political campaigns. Brooks suggests that the contradictions about race, economics and social progress the veterans experienced help define the postwar period as disruptive and destabilizing.
One example of black and white Georgian veterans groups working together was when the black World War II-Veterans Association mobilized so many black voters that they ultimately gave the win to the white Citizens
Progressive League, thereby ousting a less progressive incumbent political machine. Another more direct example is the interracial American Veterans Committee, in which black and white veterans worked to obtain full GI benefits and better housing and to stop police brutality against blacks. They also worked side by side toward change by jointly supporting moderate or liberal candidates. against white supremacist candidates like Eugene Talmadge. Finally, black and white veterans jointly launched an attack on the county-unit system, which apportioned electoral votes so that it discriminated against urbanites, blacks and the working class. A joint coalition, called the Georgia Veterans for Majority Rule, challenged this practice through lawsuits and letter campaigns.
Brooks reinforces the argument of the ambiguity of World War II as catalyst or as a constrictor of racial change by examining the other side of the argument the times when progressive racial reform agendas failed. For example, she details reactionary efforts of veterans who aligned themselves with the Ku Klux Klan or the Columbians, Inc. and how their tactics prevented efforts of moderate politics. She found that the economic situation was an important element in the Ku Klux Klan's and Columbians' ability to successfully recruit white veterans. Many veterans felt entitled to some of the spoils of the reconversion efforts and became disillusioned by the realities of overcrowding and the slow economic situation of post-war Georgia. As we saw in McEnaney's article2 some white veterans fought to claim their position on the top of the economic hierarchy and became afraid of competition from blacks.
Alternatively, these economic concerns inspired other white veterans to overturn the corruption and inefficiency of incumbent regimes. They were also embarrassed by the wartime remarks of fellow servicemen from other states deriding their home state's economic depravity and corrupt politics. Therefore, they fought to change the status quo and successfully ousted the incumbent political machines. However, these white veterans were most convinced by arguments that the corruption infringed upon their economic rights, not necessarily acknowledging the infringement upon the civil rights of their fellow black veterans. These often separate, even opposing, positions of race and economics reflect the ambiguity that is inherent in the definition of progress.
Brooks further reflects this ambiguity about race in her description of James Carmichael's campaign, in which he both attacked the racial extremism of the Ku Klux Klan and advocated the county-unit system. She declares that most white veteran campaigners were forced to adopt a two-faced outlook about progress, in which they advocated for economic growth and modernization while enforcing racial status quo. She asserts that the legacy of this period is one in which racial reform and economic reform walked side by side, but that growth politics
ultimately prevailed over progressive racial politics. While Brooks paints a complex picture of post-war Georgia politics and society, her arguments were incoherent at times. Instead of arguments postulated and defended with concrete examples, she presents incidences of where policies failed and where they succeeded. For example, she discusses how the CPL's campaign for economic modernization of society defeated the
status quo, often racist, Savannah incumbent party then, in the next sentence, discusses how the status quo county:-system defeated a more progressive campaigner, Carmichael. Perhaps, however, Brook's employs these juxtaposed arguments as a scholarly technique to parallel the ambiguity about race and economics and whether World War II helped inspire change, or reinforced the status quo in Georgia.
Recommended reading for anyone interested in American history, civil rights history.
Book Description
This digital document is an article from Journal of Southern History, published by Thomson Gale on February 1, 2006. The length of the article is 638 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: Defining the Peace: World War II Veterans, Race, and the Remaking of Southern Political Tradition.(Book Review)
Author: Gail Williams O'Brien
Publication:
Journal of Southern History (Magazine/Journal)
Date: February 1, 2006
Publisher: Thomson Gale
Volume: 72
Issue: 1
Page: 227(2)
Article Type: Book Review
Distributed by Thomson Gale
Book Description
A damning indictment of animal rights fanaticism. The book unravels the web of extremism that starts with the organization know as People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals and extends to the far outer violent edges of this fringe movement.
Customer Reviews:
LIES.......2007-10-06
Everything in this book is a lie and the idiot who wrote it should be ashamed....
The truth always hurts...........2007-03-10
There should be more authors/people like Mr. Workman...bravo to him for this telling expose! Far too many people are confusing "animal rights" with animal welfare" and Workman, like the good traditional warrior that he is, does his homework with a book based on facts: not on the Arista's radical, left-wing propoganda! You know you've touched a nerve when the AR supporters get mad when they read your book...well done...Mr Workman!!
Pfeh. What a crock........2007-01-20
I wouldn't believe Mr. Workman if he told me the sun will rise tomorrow. Let us not forget that people certainly put their own spin on events, and this is much more commonly the case when they have such an obvious axe to grind.
Yes, I did read it, every last dull word of it. And as a side note, the actual writing isn't particularly stellar, either.
Give it a pass. If you want to see some PETA or Animal-Rights bashing, the Web has plenty of it, and it's free.
The dark side of blind belief........2007-01-19
It's about time someone published an in depth critical look at one of this country's biggest scam organizations. PETA has achieved a completely undeserved tax exempt status with the government. This book maps out strong evidence against PETA for it's unethical practices and for funding domestic terrorist groups like ALF and SHAC. PETA publicly (sort of) denounces these groups but secretly gives them money. PETA is known to promote ALF members by financing their lectures. That is a fact that can easily be verified.
There is plenty of solid evidence that PETA doesn't really exist to help animals. However, PETA is a well oiled corporate machine with a huge advertising dept. They have become very good at convincing idealistic youngsters and distracted celebrities that they are a poor persecuted animal welfare organization. It's sad to see how many good hearted people defend PETA with such conviction. They mean well but they really need to stop and look...really look at what they are defending. This cult like loyalty is apparent in the quality and tone of the mutiple reviews of the book by people who hurl insults at the author but have obviously neglected to actually read the book and look up the facts.
Dave Workman examines PETA's cult like following. He exposes PETA's habit of focusing their efforts on outrageous publicity stunts instead of saving animals. Ingrid Newkirk, the group's founder, seems to use her position to court celebrity status and hob nob with the stars. Her public admissions of self loathing and hatred of humanity is disturbing. It is also a fact that PETA targets small children and impressionable teenagers with their violent and destructive propaganda. Examples of these methods are outlined in the book and are actually quite shocking.
I have seen a lot of this propaganda for myself in the form of upsetting and blatantly dishonest videos and "comic books" which are distributed to children without parental consent. Workman does a good job of outlining the reasons not to support PETA. There are other animal welfare organization that actually do exist to help animals. Animal welfare does not depend on PETA and it would be in big trouble if it did.
Blind belief is a dangerous thing.
Funny isn't it?.......2006-07-11
I came across this book while searching for Human Development books as I am majoring in this field and decided to read the reviews. I find it truly hilarious that there are people on here pointing fingers at animal rights activists claiming that they are purposefully giving bad reviews and ratings. It has become blatantly obvious to me that supporters of this book as an "insightful read" are another breed who should not throw stones at glass houses if you catch my meaning. While you all sit and out right cast stones at PeTA and animal rights activists, it has become clear to me that you as well carry an agenda. An agenda to promote false information and a false education to readers who should be left to make their own judgements. So even though you may claim to want this so-called truth to be unveiled, you are only trying to promote propaganda. This propaganda, such as the well covered dumping and euthanising of animals by PETA employees was not ordered by PETA, and had been carried out by those employees of their own free will. It has become extremely tiring to hear of these same allegations against PETA and other animal welfare organizations. You all need to find another leg to stand on when it comes to your position on such matters. Everyone has a right to their own opinion but come off of it already...and please go and educate yourselves! Behind all subjects, books, news coverage, and stances you will find an agenda. It is all propaganda. I will however say that at least animal rights has a beneficial and worthy cause to fight for. What are you all fighting for? More inhumanity? This book IS a boring read and I say that from a very objective stance.
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