Book Description
One of the most colorful figures in English political history, John Wilkes (1726–97) is remembered as the father of the British free press, defender of civil and political liberties, and hero to American colonists, who attended closely to his outspoken endorsements of liberty. Wilkes’s political career was rancorous, involving duels, imprisonments in the Tower of London, and the Massacre of St. George’s Fields in which seven of his supporters were shot to death by government troops. He was equally famous for his “private” life—a confessed libertine, a member of the notorious Hellfire Club, and the author of what has been called the dirtiest poem in the English language.
This lively biography draws a full portrait of John Wilkes from his childhood days through his heyday as a journalist and agitator, his defiance of government prosecutions for libel and obscenity, his fight against exclusion from Parliament, and his service as lord mayor of London on the eve of the American Revolution. Told here with the force and immediacy of a firsthand newspaper account, Wilkes’s own remarkable story is inseparable from the larger story of modern civil liberties and how they came to fruition.
Customer Reviews:
Good read.......2007-03-20
This book reads well and has lots of of things of interest to say about this great, but flawed Englishman. One small niggle: the author has difficulty with the peerage system and titles [especially the sons of peers and the correct use of Royal Highness, which does not refer to the monarch]- okay, pretty trivial for most purposes, but fairly important for a historian of 18th century British politics.
John Wilkes, Civil Libertarian and Libertine.......2006-12-05
The name of John Wilkes has come up in several books I've read and in a few classes I've taken, but I never really learned all that much about him. Arthur Cash has written a good biography of this eighteenth century Englishman who gained fame for pointing out and fighting the abuses perpetrated by his own government, namely the Parliament and the King's ministers (Wilkes rarely blamed King George III personally). Specifically, Wilkes fought his government when it came to issues like the general search warrant, freedom of press and privacy, and the right of the people, not parliament, to choose its representatives in the House of Commons. Indeed, all this makes Wilkes out to be a champion of civil liberty as well as for the rights of commoners, which in many ways he was, but he also remained loyal to the crown and acted against rioters and mob action, at least that which threatened to turn into lawlessness. It's also worth mentioning that our country learned from some of the causes Wilkes fought for.
In addition to Wilkes's causes and actions taken in the public sphere, we get to see the John Wilkes who enjoyed the intimate company of many women, producing one legitimate daughter (Polly) and a few illegitimate children along the way, enjoyed a good bawdy joke or just making fun of a political figure, spending himself into deeper and deeper debt and so on. Wilkes was not a one-dimensional man by any means. It seemed to come across in this book that John Wilkes tried to make the most out of life, though I think he enjoyed certain things a little too much. He did not seem to sink into complete despair or unhappiness; his contemporaries made note of this upbeat side of his personality. But his activities without question made him a controversial person.
He published criticisms of the government that led to his being declared an outlaw, resulted in a few duels, forced him into exile, was imprisoned and even then was being elected to serve in the House of Commons, but was denied a seat until he finally did win the right to represent the constituents who had elected him to serve. He served in other positions as well, including as Alderman, Lord Mayor of London and Chamberlain (like a treasurer for the city of London). Throughout his ordeals, his reputation and popularity only grew, much to the chagrin of those in government who had been subjected to his wit and criticisms. Wilkes also spoke out in the House of Commons as a supporter for universal suffrage for men, almost unheard of at that time.
In addition to these sides to Wilkes's public roles and his personal life, which I've only so briefly touched on, we become acquainted with many of his friends and associates as well as his enemies, his close and loving relationship with his daughter Polly, though he also seemed kind and loving towards his illegitimate children. Indeed, Cash makes it a point to reveal that Wilkes was often a very courteous, loyal and true gentleman, though this isn't always the case. He was full of life. These are some of the impressions I came away with from reading this book. There were still certain episodes I would have liked to have known a little more about, namely his public service roles and more about his accomplishments and or failures, a more in-depth view of his take on the American Revolution and its conclusion among other things. In the afterword, Cash mentioned that his take on Wilkes is different from that of many other historians; I would have liked the author to have developed that point more. I guess that's what reading other sources are for. Needless to say, this was a good biography on a very colorful individual.
Absolutely mesmerizing.......2006-04-29
John Wilkes was one of the most fascinating figures of the 18th century, both politically and personally. We in the U.S. owe many of the principles in the Bill of Rights to Wilkes, yet how many Americans have heard of him? Especially now, when so many of our civil liberties are being eviscerated, this is an important book. Wilkes was also a colorful character -- to say that he loved wine, women, and song is an understatement. This was a guy who squeezed every drop he could out of life, all the while fighting battles for a free press, protection against unwarranted search and seizure, and free speech. Arthur Cash has given us a rich historical portrait of a true hero (along with some unforgettable Wilkes quotes). If you've never heard of North Briton No. 45, what are you waiting for?!
A Product of the 60's!.......2006-03-28
John Wilkes could be considered a "flower-child of the 60's". The 1760's, that is. As I read this magnificent telling of JOHN WILKES: THE SCANDELOUS FATHER OF CIVIL LIBERTY by Arthur Cash, I couldn't help but wonder how this free spirit would be accepted today. I was reminded of countless modern day examples of people who resemble this man they probably never heard of. Cash captures the essence of his subject in an erudite fashion seldom found.
We Americans owe a great deal to Wilkes, and yet, he ranks but a footnote in the pages of our history. Wilkes encompassed the American spirit of independence and if known today, would be a folk hero of the highest regard. Perhaps Cash's work can help put the name of John Wilkes in its rightful place.
John Wilkes had to compensate for his less than dashing looks, and he did so quite well with his wit. He was cross-eyed and had a most prominent jaw, almost to the point of deformity. By the time he was forty, he had lost his teeth and spoke with a very heavy lisp. His wit can be illustrated by his comment to Lord Sandwich who told Wilkes he would either die of the pox or at the gallows. Wilkes retorted, "That depends, my Lord, on whether I embrace your wife, or your principles."
Wilkes pushed the bounds of the "free press" with his publication, the North Briton, which at one point, won him a week in the tower. In the end, however, Wilkes' incessant attack on pushing the boundaries of the free press would eventually make his name synonymous with liberty.
We picture those stuffy men of the late 18th century sitting in Parliament with their starched collars, their powdered wigs, and their staunch expressions and I'm sure many of them fit that very description. But this parliamentarian, writer, freedom fighter and part time pornographer will shock readers with just how "anti-establishment" he was, and for the most part, got away with.
Arthur Cash has composed a delightful, though lengthy read about someone we all should get to know a little better.
Monty Rainey
www.juntosociety.com
Wilkes and Liberty!.......2006-02-09
A superior biography of an Englishman who had a great impact on the advancement of liberty, both at home and, by example, in the colonies that were to become the United States.
Today's readers will find this life of John Wilkes deserving of attention for a multitude of reasons. Professor Cash gives clear background on many of the political and judicial terms of that age, many of which are still in use today. The evil that was embedded in general warrants, the beginnings to a right of privacy, freedom of the press, and the start towards universal suffrage are all part of this story. As well as the private worldly pleasures of an unorthodox gentleman who never met a debt or woman he could refuse.
One of the best books, if not the best, I have read this past year. If you are a fan of James Boswell or Voltaire I wager that you will enjoy this worthy effort by the accomplished author Arthur H. Cash.
Book Description
“THE MEN WHO SACRIFICED FOR THEIR COUNTRY ARE RIGHTFULLY HERALDED . . . This is an honest book–one well worth reading. . . . Stanton has laid his claim to the historian’s ranks by providing his reader with well-documented, interpretive assessments.”
–Parameters
The Vietnam War remains deep in the nation’s consciousness. It is vital that we know exactly what happened there–and who made it happen. This book provides a complete account of American Army ground combat forces–who they were, how they got to the battlefield, and what they did there. Year by year, battlefield by battlefield, the narrative follows the war in extraordinary, gripping detail. Over the course of the decade, the changes in fighting and in the combat troops themselves are described and documented. The Rise and Fall of an American Army represents the first total battlefield history of Army ground forces in the Vietnam War, containing much previously unreleased archival material. It re-creates the feel of battle with dramatic precision.
“Stanton’s writing . . . gives the reader a terrifying graphic description of combat in the many mini-environments of Vietnam.”
–The New York Times
“[A] MOVING, IMPORTANT BOOK.”
–St. Louis Post-Dispatch
From the Paperback edition.
Customer Reviews:
A valuable history.......2005-10-16
The Vietnam War is probably the most maligned, misunderstood, misrepresented, and misreported conflict in military history. Readers who wish to clear their minds of the perpetual cacophony of nonsense surrounding it must turn to a qualified source. Shelby Stanton -- military historian and decorated veteran, Infantry Officer, Ranger, Airborne, and Special Forces in Vietnam, is a qualified source.
Stanton turns his untinted glasses to the conflict in a very scholarly, soldierly manner. The history is primarily engagement-oriented, but weaves these engagements into a backdrop of policy, system-wide challenges, political fiascos, and cultural difficulties.
Stanton covers every major engagement during the war with as much precision as possible for a single volume. He meticulously lists regiments, battalions, companies, squads, etc. before he commences a vivid description of combat. Particularly critical actions by individuals are also mentioned.
The author does not whitewash low points in military conduct. He discusses the poorly-led Americal division, members of which were responsible for My Lai. Substance abuse by soldiers (particularly toward the latter end of the conflict), demoralization and insubordination prior to demobilization and cover-ups in the chain-of-command all receive treatment.
However, Stanton places these problems in perspective and is, above all, fair to the men who served. The simple fact is that the vast, overwhelming majority of troops served honorably, steadfastly and often heroically. In almost no circumstance where the NVA/VC able to hold captured targets for any length of time, and only rarely were they able to overwhelm an entire position. Casualties experienced by the NVA, as best as can be ascertained, outnumbered ours dramatically (a figure given is 500,000 NVA/VC, by an NVA general to journalist Oriana Fallaci). In fact, the use of casualties as a benchmark for successful engagements was one of the problems that (Stanton points out) led to My Lai. Other benchmarks were hard to come by, however, given the "Total War" strategy that deemphasized holding strategic terrain.
Ultimately, the failure to achieve policy objectives in Vietnam rested with political decisions and lack of American will. From a tactical perspective, US Forces on the whole performed admirably -- repulsing Tet and Mini-Tet, winning the "Big Battles" of 1967, and so on.
Rise and Fall is well-written and manages to engage the reader despite the precision. It contains numerous maps by the author as well as illuminating photographs from his collection.
A history that will stand the test of time.
Indispensable .......2004-08-16
This is a greeat book, though not a perfect one - but certainly a welcome and necessary addition to any Vietnam era reader. Stanton is not really concerned with politics of strategy, only the performance of the Army and Marines in combat in Vietnam and, more unusually, how the Regular Army reacted to the war. Densely written and without enough maps, it certainly is a bit difficult to read, but it is worth it. He covers all of the major operations and battles of the war, including the ones usually ignored by historians. Stanton unfortunately has a strong bias against the ARVN and doesn't bother to conceal it.
Book Description
More equality, more fairness, more opportunity--these are themes on which progressives, now more than ever, could win elections and build social movements. Yet American progressives too seldom have put themselves in a position to capture the loyalty of American voters. In his newest book, Domhoff explains why the left's political strategies have failed, and he calls for new strategies and alliances that will lead to political success and a better America. Sure to be widely read and debated, the book reveals how campaigns by Nader and other third-party progressives have been misguided. Domhoff explains how and why third-party candidacies fail because of the structure of the political system, and then presents a new way for progressives to enter the political arena without compromising their basic values or their emphasis on participation in social movements. He shows how planning through the market holds more potential for freedom and fairness than centrally planned economies. He also shows how progressives can redefine who is us and who is them in a way that is more inclusive, allowing people across the class spectrum to support a renewed egalitarian vision. Visit our website for sample chapters!
Customer Reviews:
Just not that simple.......2006-02-11
William Domhoff has some crisp advice for the left (or 'egalitarians'). Don't bother with third parties. Avoid any sort of violent protest. Forget attempting to suppress the market ('socialism'). I have mixed feelings about this. I don't have a major quarrel with these pieces of advice (his critique of Nader is excellent). I don't even disagree with much of his secondary words of wisdom--stop dwelling on the failures of the media, don't bash religion. But the spirit of the text is a serious problem. Domhoff seems to believe that if only egalitarians would clearly isolate those who make the mistakes above, everything would be hunky dory. He frequently claims this is the conclusion of 'social science'. Yet the only times in the last century the left seemed to gather any power (the thirties and the sixties), the boundaries between liberals and radicals were at their weakest. Comparisons with other countries don't bear out Domhoff's conclusions. For example, he claims the US left was gathering steam in the late nineties until the Nader campaign, and the supposed failure to denounce violence at the Seattle protests derailed it. Yet the French left made near identical mistakes--making a poor electoral choice that left Chirac in a runoff with the far right, rather than the left, and engaging in more visibly violent protests than anything in the US (recall the bulldozer and McDonald's) but it has become stronger, successfully spearheading the campaign against the EU constitution. And some of Domhoff's advice is not so good. Its hard to believe that he thinks constantly denouncing and trying to isolate Republicans would have a similar impact to denunciations of racists by the civil rights movement, particularly given that he is clear the US is stuck with a two party system. Far from leading to an expanding coalition prepared to push the far right out of the public sphere, as happened in the earlier case, this would merely heighten the tensions in the country, as the Republicans (who represent slightly more than 50% of the electorate) would engage in a similar campaign. He also dismisses unions, and offers no other plausible mass base for an egalitarian project. Although he at times mocks the new left of the sixties for trying to get close to circles of power and agitate towards them, he seems to believe in a similar strategy, fawning over rich men who have shown some vague progressive sympathies (Corzine, Soros). Perhaps since he doesn't seem to believe in mass politics, he has nothing to say about problems of racial segregation in the egalitarian movement. His alternative to state socialism is a watery call to 'plan through the market', without any real thought to wrenching economic enterprises out of the hands of the elites whose power he has documented well elsewhere. Finally, his claims that critiques of US imperialism are old hat has not dated well, to say the least. Still, the book overall is as a clear statement as you will find of progressive (not liberal, not hard left) principles.
Changed My Thinking.......2004-02-21
With Ralph Nader expected to announce whether he will run for President this time around, I (an unrepentant Nader 2000 supporter) think this book constitutes the strongest argument I have seen for why he should not.
Domhoff's 108-page book is put together with the precision of poetry, and I hesitate to summarize it. It has convinced me of a number of things, including that I should call myself an egalitarian rather than a progressive and that we egalitarians should form Egalitarian Democratic Clubs within the Democratic Party. With regard to Nader, it has convinced me that his third-party campaign in 2000 was misguided and that he should not attempt one now.
It is only very reluctantly that I can be convinced to blame Al Gore's loss on Nader. My reasons for arguing otherwise have long included that Gore did not lose but only came close enough to losing to have the election stolen, that Gore came close to losing because he was a terrible candidate who, among other things, ignored the need to appeal to Nader's supporters, and that many of Nader's supporters were new voters who might have voted for no one had he not been on the ballot.
But the facts remain that Nader won more votes than the difference between Gore and Bush in more than one state, that Nader's predictions regarding Bush have proved disastrously wrong, and that Nader and his staffers made comments suggesting that defeating Gore was his intention (Domhoff cites a March 4, 2001, Philadelphia Inquirer article).
I have often been saddened to see egalitarians express more anger toward Nader than toward Bush. But the case Domhoff makes is one for building coalitions and preventing infighting. Domhoff suggests that had Nader run in the 2000 Democratic primaries and lost graciously, he could have significantly influenced Gore, helped Gore win, and begun the necessary task of reforming the Democratic Party. Domhoff offers arguments drawing on the history of political parties in many countries to make a compelling case that reforming the Democratic party is much more likely to succeed than creating a powerful third party in the United States.
Domhoff points out that most of Nader's examples of cases in which third parties have influenced the US political agenda come from the nineteenth century, before the use of state primaries, which "have been the main source of new programs since World War I."
Domhoff suggests that Nader might have won between 5 and 25 percent of the vote in every Democratic primary in 2000. That might be right. But I'm not sure he isn't overestimating voters' understanding of the system. Domhoff makes a strong case that public citizen number one, Ralph Nader, lacks a basic understanding of what is possible in our political system. Yet he assumes that Democratic primary voters understand the difference between a primary and a general election.
If that were the case, where would "momentum" come from? Why would voters be backing centrist candidates more as their votes become less necessary for victory? Why would people who support Dennis Kucinich's platform (which is quite similar to Nader's) and who believe Kucinich would be the strongest candidate against Bush choose to back Kerry in a primary based on his "electability"? It seems to me possible that Nader would have ended up with totals as a Democrat not too much higher than what he got running as a Green.
I could be underestimating, however, if the 2000 experience is - as seems possible - a major cause of 2004 primary voters' passion for and confusion over "electability." Jesse Jackson did not face the same nonsensical spoiler arguments in primaries that have been faced by Kucinich and Al Sharpton. If this misuse of a general election spoiler argument in a primary is a new phenomenon, the question of whether it will last seems critical.
Domhoff's book is not entirely about Nader. He uses Nader's campaign as a jumping off point for laying out a program for egalitarian politics. Domhoff proposes establishing egalitarian Democratic clubs (EDCs) to "lay the basis for the future takeover of the party in the same way liberals [took over] the California state party with their California democratic clubs in the 1950s." It would have been helpful for him to elaborate on how exactly to start these clubs.
But Domhoff does offer powerful insights into American politics and a general guide to what sort of movement is needed going forward. He advocates reframing "progressive" or "working class" struggles as "egalitarian" in order to be more descriptive and inclusive.
Domhoff also argues for a politics based on a market economy rather than "central planning." I think his notion that egalitarians lean toward promoting central planning is overstated if he means by it much more than the several cases in which he himself says non-market solutions work best. But Domhoff makes an excellent point that "research shows that markets need guidance from government to operate well, and that there is no inevitable trade-off between equality and efficiency, or between equality and freedom, within a market system. More equality might even mean more efficiency, not less, and it can certainly mean more freedom for more people." Promoting understanding of this point could work wonders to reverse policies that benefit only the wealthy but which others support in hopes of trickle-down effects.
One point that I wonder about in Domhoff's discussion of the economy is his support for the Earned Income Tax Credit. Later in the book he praises the Living Wage Movement for, among other things, working through the market, but here he seems to suggest that an ideal solution to poverty is for the government to make up the difference between the poverty wages companies pay and a living wage. This seems to place central planning ahead of market strategies unnecessarily, and in the process to risk discouraging work as well as disheartening workers.
Which Way for the Left?.......2003-11-22
G. William Domhoff attempts to identify the mistakes of the U.S. Left and proposes a strategy that he believes would lead to greater progressive influence and political success in his new book, "Changing the Powers That Be".
The suggested winnining strategies are not novel and have been used by certain sectors of the Left with positive results; unfortunately, according to Domhoff, many "egalitarians" (a term he prefers over "progressive" or "socialist") undermine their efforts by persisting in errors which stem from dated theories and left-wing mythologies.
Professor Domhoff makes many compelling arguments that merit close attention from those searching to clear new avenues for the Left; however, the book does not address important concerns that many U.S. progressives would have in implementing the program. This is particularly true regarding his proposal that Leftists enter the Democratic Party. Furthermore, the Professor ignores the complexities of implementing his ideas in a neo-liberal, "post-fordist" United States; there is no mention of globalization and more than once while reading the book, it occured to me that Domhoff felt a certain nostalgia for fordism and that he verged on breaking into song over the New Deal and F.D.R. In fact, Domhoff's program contains a series of liberal "pis-allers".
Now such nostalgia over the liberal welfare state is problematic
in the context of globalization. Corporations and financial institutions can transfer money and jobs fairly fast these days.
One can imagine a great deal of demagogery created by the Right when the Left tries to pass laws to make liberal reforms. We would see a hastened capital flight from this country. I am not saying that demanding such reforms is wrong; I am saying that Professor Domhoff's vision is short-sighted in this regard and
he does not touch on the issue of the need for a global struggle against capital and, with the exception of advocating non-violent demonstrations, his strategy is pretty much limited to making political changes through the ballot box.
The book does, at least obliquely, grapple with a key question for the Left: are we strong enough to fight for more radical changes now, or is it better to set our sights on a short term goal of some minor reforms, and thereby strengthen the Left so that it can launch more ambitious struggles in the future? It is a question worth pondering. The only problem is that Domhoff's vision is one of simply reforming capitalism through an alliance with Liberals, not getting rid of it at any time in the future.
Domhoff's chapter on markets is provocative, if schematic; the chapter on keeping leaders accountable is sublime. The section on foreign policy stinks.
Rx for the Left.......2003-11-08
The insightful analyses and practical strategies presented in Domhoff's compact, highly readable book offer a promising blueprint for reinvigorating the political Left. A compelling blend of realism and idealism, "Changing the Powers That Be" is strongly recommended for anyone needing plausible hope for a more just, egalitarian American society--and an achievable plan for its realization.
realistic strategy for progressives.......2003-06-03
Domhoff has been researching and writing on the power elite for over 30 years -- his books include "The Powers That Be" and "Who Rules America." Now, for the first time, he turns to the question of strategy for progressives. How can we "change the powers that be"?
The audience for the book is the Left. This requires some explanation, given that if you watch Fox News you are led to believe that the Democratic Party is the Far Left. Nonsense! Most Democratic leaders and voters are moderate or liberal. The Left, which Domhoff prefers to call "egalitarians," is barely represented by the Democrats. Those who supported Nader and/or the Greens, those who agree with Noam Chomsky, Michael Moore, Barbara Ehrenreich -- that's the Left. Much bigger than many people think, but not all "liberals" by any means. Democratic socialists, or social democrats, which Domhoff reframes as egalitarians -- a group to really scare the Dittoheads and O'Reillyoids.
What are egalitarians to do given the current dismal situation? The event that spurred Domhoff to write it was the 2000 election. He opens the book with a counterfactual scenario -- what if Nader had run in the Democratic primaries instead of as a Green? It seems quite likely that Gore might have won, and the Democratic party would also be more progressive. Now that we know that Bush was no moderate/conservative after all, but rather a right-wing fanatic, this clearly would have been decisively better, if far from perfect. But Domhoff's whole point is that the Left has to stop making the perfect the enemy of the good if it's going to start winning. The unfortunate reality is that until the electoral rules are changed, a third party has a good chance of being nothing more than a spoiler, as the Greens were in 2000. If the Left doesn't wise up to this, Bush and the Republicans will be the only ones to benefit.
The strategy is an inside/outside strategy, working from within the Democratic party to push it in a progressive direction just as the Christian conservatives have moved the Republicans to the right since Reagan was first elected. Domhoff calls for the formation of Egalitarian Democratic Clubs within the Democratic Party in order to build a permanent organizational infrastructure, rather than just supporting the centrists. Of course the movements (global justice, anti-sweatshop, living wage, anti-war, feminist, anti-racist, LGBT rights, etc) continue to organize and pressure the Dems from the outside as well.
This may sound like nothing new. It's not, but it is sure timely if the Left is to play a constructive role in 2004! The bulk of the book is devoted to what Domhoff sees as necessary changes in the Left's agenda, and much of this is aimed at the tiny remaining Marxist left, so it may not be as relevant to many readers. Domhoff's points include: 1) forget central state planning and focus on equitably regulated markets, 2)promote strategic non-violence -- note to Black Blocs!, 3) make room in the coalition for individuals who are wealthy capitalists -- some are quite progressive!, 4) realize the hierarchical tendency and promote decentralized organization -- note to followers of Big Leaders such as Nader!, 5) drop the blanket opposition to military intervention and support humanitarian intervention -- controversial with many!, 6) drop militant secularism -- many religious activists are very progressive, 7) stop blaming the media and develop an effective egalitarian movement.
Personally, I'm convinced that Domhoff has nailed it. If the Left rallies around the strategy outlined here, its ratio of success to failure will go up dramatically. Other recent books worth consulting for complementary views on Left unity are Todd Gitlin's "Twilight of Common Dreams" and Richard Rorty's "Achieving Our Country."
Book Description
Sustainable design has made great strides in recent years; unfortunately, it still falls short of fully integrating nature into our built environment. Through a groundbreaking new paradigm of "restorative environmental design," award-winning author Stephen R. Kellert proposes a new architectural model of sustainability.
In Building For Life, Kellert examines the fundamental interconnectedness of people and nature, and how the loss of this connection results in a diminished quality of life.
This thoughtful new work illustrates how architects and designers can use simple methods to address our innate needs for contact with nature. Through the use of natural lighting, ventilation, and materials, as well as more unexpected methodologies-the use of metaphor, perspective, enticement, and symbol-architects can greatly enhance our daily lives. These design techniques foster intellectual development, relaxation, and physical and emotional well-being. In the works of architects like Frank Lloyd Wright, Eero Saarinen, Cesar Pelli, Norman Foster, and Michael Hopkins, Kellert sees the success of these strategies and presents models for moving forward. Ultimately, Kellert views our fractured relationship with nature as a design problem rather than an unavoidable aspect of modern life, and he proposes many practical and creative solutions for cultivating a more rewarding experience of nature in our built environment.
Customer Reviews:
Disappointed.......2007-03-12
I had hoped that Kellert would explore all the different ways that Biophilia might interact with the environmental design process with a view to uncovering new possibilities both in the built AND conceptual stages. Unfortunately the book just slowly scoops an uninspired selection of well-trodden sustainable practices into the Biophilia fold. I'm afraid I feel that the book is written too much in the cautious, repetitive & tautological style of Academic Sociology and is unable to take any vigorous conceptual jumps into new territory. The point of such leaps is to make connections with reasonably well-founded research in another field with a view to invigorating understanding (and design) on both sides of the jump. Kellert's association with Edward O. Wilson had led me to expect such daring, which drives every wonderful page of the latter's masterful "Consilience". Hildebrand's "origins of architectural pleasure" does at least bravely gather together many fields of study to create a new benchmark for linking basic epigenetic rules of human nature with architecture. I am hoping for a book that looks around for ways that architecture may explore the positive (rather than remedial) use of human nature in design. Maybe Kellert can write volume two in a more consistently pioneering form.
Great contribution to green building.......2005-12-09
I truly enjoyed this book. One thing that frustrates me about new environmental standards for buildings, like LEED, is the fact that designers and builders are not taking more cues from natural systems when they are planning the actual construction of these buildings.
Kellert's book shows how to take green building to a new level--how we as designers and builders can bring nature into the design process, using simple things like natural lighting, finish details insired by flora and fauna. You don't have to be an architect or designer or planner to read this book, either; it's really straightforward and readable, and I found it genuinely inspiring.
I only wish that more people considered how we can respect nature through our constructed environment, instead of only being concerned about how to protect open space or save endagered species or things like that.
If you read one book about architecture this year, read this!
Average customer rating:
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Book Description
Society currently faces critical and unprecedented decisions involving energy supply, use, and regulation. This book brings together leading scientists and policy analysts to provide the latest thinking on all aspects of the vital connection between energy and the environment. Its goal is to help citizens and leaders find ways to balance the costs and benefits of energy within the context of global sustainability.
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- Legends: Women Who Have Changed the World Through the Eyes of Great Women Writers
- Leonardo: The Artist and the Man
- Life of Tom Horn, Government Scout and Interpreter
- Life Stories: Profiles from The New Yorker
- Lone Wolf Gonzaullas: Texas Ranger
- Looking for the Lost: Journeys Through a Vanishing Japan (Kodansha Globe)
- Luther: The Life and Longing of Luther Vandross
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- Ancient Europe, 8000 B.C. to A.D. 1000: An Encyclopedia of the Barbarian World Edition 1.
- Raphael and His Circle: Drawings from Windsor Castle
- Worldviews and Ecology: Religion, Philosophy, and the Environment
- Membrane-active Complexones
Interrogation Palace: New and Selected Poems 1982-2004 (Pitt Poetry Series)
Middle Passages: African American Journeys to Africa, 1787-2005
James Madison and the Struggle for the Bill of Rights (Pivotal Moments in American History)
The Most Famous Man in America: The Biography of Henry Ward Beecher
Andrew Carnegie
