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As Americans cope with the social and industrial changes wrought by the computer age, we seem ready to view with more sympathy the men who shaped the similarly disruptive economic revolution at the turn of the last century. Less than a year after Titan, Ron Chernow's sweeping biography of capitalist par excellence John D. Rockefeller, comes Jean Strouse's searching analysis of J.P. Morgan (1837-1913), the merchant banker whose financial prowess enabled the great American businesses to grow and thrive. Like Chernow, Strouse takes a nuanced view of a man reviled by his contemporaries as a sinister monopolist. Morgan sought to stabilize the volatile American economy and raise the cash needed to fuel its meteoric expansion. His methods were controversial, particularly his fondness for industrial "combinations" that dampened competition, but Strouse's lucid résumé of the historical backdrop illuminates the thinking behind Morgan's actions. As in her groundbreaking biography Alice James, the author never settles for received wisdom, instead reading previously neglected documents with a sharp eye to offer a fresh interpretation. She vividly limns Morgan's imperious personality and such extracurricular interests as his superb art collection. But it's Strouse's ability to clearly convey complex financial material that distinguishes this book. Her chapter on the panic of 1907, which Morgan was instrumental in halting, is as exciting as a good thriller and far more instructive. --Wendy Smith
Book Description
History has remembered J. Pierpont Morgan as a complex and contradictory figure, part robber baron and part patron saint. Now this magisterial biography, based extensively on new material, draws a definitive, full-scale portrait of Morgan's tumultuous life both in and out of the public eye.Morgan earned his reputation as "the Napoleon of Wall Street" by reorganizing the nation's railroads and creating some of its greatest industrial trusts, including General Electric and U.S. Steel. At a time when the United States had no Federal Reserve System, he appointed himself a one-man central bank. He had two wives, three yachts, four children, six houses, mistresses, and one of the finest art collections in America. In this extraordinary book, award-winning biographer Jean Strouse vividly portrays the financial colossus, the avid patron of the arts, and the entirely human character behind all the myths.
Brilliantly crafted, epic in scope, Morgan reveals a man we have never seen before, offering new insights on the culture, political struggles, and social conflicts of America's Gilded Age.
Customer Reviews:
The Money Man.......2007-03-26
A good history of not only the man, also of american politics and finance.
The real workings between BIG Business and the men who created them
THE PANIC OF 1907.......2007-01-02
BECAUSE OF THE SUPERB CHAPTER ON ONE OF THE MOST CRITICAL PERIODS IN THE HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES - THE PANIC OF 1907 - THIS MAKES THIS BOOK THE PREMIER BOOK ON THIS PERIOD IN MY OPINION. M GORDON
a virtuoso biography.......2006-12-01
Jean Strouse, the author of several acclaimed biographies, decided to write a biography of John Pierpont Morgan, who was, in his day, America's preeminent financier. At the beginning of her project, she was intent on writing a book along the lines of "Morgan: American Ogre," but in doing research for the book, and reading Morgan's correspondence, she came to radically rethink her views. The subtitle for this book could be "Morgan: American Genius."
When J. Pierpont Morgan entered banking, Europe had substantial savings which stood to get much higher rates of return in the developing markets of their day, the New World, but only if they were invested with reputable and well-managed concerns. Morgan's bank guaranteed that the companies he dealt with were reputable, honest and well-managed; by serving as a bridge between the New and Old Worlds, Morgan became America's preeminent financier.
In her biography, she reports that many of the criticisms leveled at Morgan were bereft of any basis in reality, or misrepresentations of the facts at hand. Among other points she raises, she shows instances of companies where Morgan had a substantial amount of influence giving business to the lowest bidder rather than to each other, which rebuts the charges of favoritism. She explains than in 1907, when Morgan put his entire prestige on the line to stop what threatened to be a stock market crash similar to that of 1929, he was acting to save the system, and not to enrich himself as some critics have claimed; on the contrary. Her revelation that the Morgans père et fils declined to make "contributions" that would have averted the Congressional hearings that portrayed Morgan as America's "malefactor of great wealth" is revealing.
Strouse has painstakingly researched many aspects of Morgan's life, from his time at Goettingen, Germany's most acclaimed university, where Morgan was urged to become a professor of math because of his phenomenal mathematical talent, to the economics and business rationales behind Morgan's dealings, to his understanding of art history and the legacy of his gifts to American museums, and into the relationships among and history between the New England families from which Morgan hailed. This is not simply a biography but the veritable work of an artisan-biographer.
All the same, I suspect that Jean Strouse was so enthralled by Morgan's exceptional erudition, achievements, charm and taste - to this day his library is one of the smaller wonders of our world - that she neglected to delve into a question that may be a less fortunate aspect of Morgan's legacy. Not long after Morgan's death, a slaughter erupted in Europe whose after-effects still carom in our day. During the World War One, the British liberally tapped the American credit markets, through the House of Morgan. Morgan had enjoyed the confidence of the highest levels of the English government, as well as that of the Kaiser; for that matter, the Pope was greatly impressed by Morgan and wished him much health and wealth. As Strouse writes, Morgan had offered to lend Balkan countries money if they agreed to end their belligerent ways. Did Morgan not foresee the horrible possibility that Europe would use his bank to raise the funds to extinguish its bestest and brightest in a truly senseless orgy of violence? If he did foresee this, could he not have sought to avert this disaster? Had Strouse tried to answer these questions, I would bestow more than 5 stars on her book.
I imagine even Morgan would be impressed........2005-11-28
Jean Strouse's powerful gift to tell a story combined with her intellectual muscle lead to a riveting biography of J.P. Morgan's life. I read this book when it first came out. I remember at some point there after visiting The Morgan Library and some "Morgan -- Bella da Costa Greene" missive was on display which I found enchanting after reading about the unusual and dynamic woman that came to work on his collection. "Morgan American Financier" is a great read and I imagine J.P. Morgan would approve.
Thorough Biography.......2004-04-22
Jean Strouse's thorough biography on J.P. Morgan was...thorough. Strouse must have gone through a tremendous amount of work to put together this almost 700-page book. The result of her toil was an in-depth study of J.P. Morgan's life. The biography is divided into four parts, which makes it easier if one would prefer to skip around and concentrate on only certain aspects of Morgan's life and career. I most enjoyed Part I, which discussed the formation of his character. This section went through extreme detail of his parents and his childhood. What a surprise to learn that Morgan was a relation to Jonathan Edwards and Aaron Burr! Even though the biography was a great length and did become rather boring at parts, it is a must read for those who wish to learn more about J.P. Morgan. Without him, America would not be what it is today.
Book Description
During the economic depression of the 1890s and the speculative frenzy of the following decade, Wall Street, high finance, and market crises assumed unprecedented visibility in the United States. Fiction writers published scores of novels in the period that explored this new cultural phenomenon. In Panic!, David A. Zimmerman studies how American novelists and their readers imagined--and in one case, incited--market crashes and financial panics.
Panic! examines how Americans' attitudes toward securities markets, popular investment, and financial catastrophe were entangled with their conceptions of gender, class, crowds, corporations, and history. Zimmerman investigates how writers turned to mob psychology, psychic investigations, and conspiracy discourse to understand not only how financial markets worked, but also how mass acts of financial reading, including novel reading, could trigger economic disaster and cultural chaos. In addition, Zimmerman shows how, by concentrating on markets in crisis, novelists were able to explore the limits of fiction's aesthetic, economic, and ethical capacities. With readings of canonical as well as lesser-known novelists, Zimmerman provides an original and wide-ranging analysis of the relation between fiction and financial modernity.
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J. P. Morgan: Banker to a Growing Nation (American Business Tycoons)
Jeremy Byman
Manufacturer: Morgan Reynolds Publishing
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43 Hours 12 Minutes on 34 CDs. This is the first part of a two part series. Noted biographer Jean Strouse has won the Bancroft Prize and received fellowships from the Guggenheim Memorial Foundation and the National Endowments for the Humanities and Arts. Her work has appeared in major magazines including The New Yorker and Newsweek. In Morgan, she creates the first complete portrait of a man who defined American commerce and banking. Contemporaries described J. Pierpoint Morgan as the financial Moses of the New World. He was also called a beefy, red-faced, thick-necked financial bully, drunk with wealth and power ... To separate the legend from the man, Jean Strouse uses a wealth of uncataloged biographical documents from the Pierpoint Morgan Library. She shows J.Pierpoint Morgan in the full context of his childhood and health, travels and tastes, personal affairs and business relationships. Through Nelson Rungers thoughtful narration, this accessible biography becomes a fascinating audio production. Morgan sheds light on the life of a remarkable man, but it also helps us better understand todays international finance.
Book Description
A century ago, J. Pierpont Morgan bestrode the financial world like a colossus. The organizing force behind General Electric, U.S. Steel, and vast railroad empires, he served for decades as America's unofficial central banker: a few months after he died in 1913, the Federal Reserve replaced the private system he had devised. An early supporter of Thomas Edison and Andrew Carnegie, the confidant (and rival) of Theodore Roosevelt, England's Edward VII, and Germany's Kaiser Wilhelm, and the companion of several fascinating women, Morgan shaped his world and ours in countless ways. Yet since his death he has remained a mysterious figure, celebrated as a hero of industrial progress and vilified as a rapacious robber baron.
Here for the first time is the biography Morgan has long deserved--a magisterial, full-scale portrait of the man without whose dominating will American finance and culture would be very different from what they are today. In this beautifully crafted account, drawn from more than a decade's work in newly available archives, the award-winning biographer Jean Strouse animates Morgan's life and times to reveal the entirely human character behind the often terrifying visage.
Morgan brings eye-opening perspectives to the role the banker played in the emerging U.S. economy as he raised capital in Europe, reorganized bankrupt railroads, stabilized markets in times of crisis, and set up many of the corporate and financial structures we take for granted. And surprising new stories introduce us in vivid detail to Morgan's childhood in Hartford and Boston, his schooling in Switzerland and Germany, the start of his career in New York--as well as to his relations with his esteemed and exacting father, with his adored first and difficult second wives, with his children, partners, business associates, female consorts, and friends. Morgan had a second major career as a collector of art, stocking America with visual and literary treasures of the past. Called by one contemporary expert "the greatest collector of our time," he spent much of his energy and more than half of his fortune on art.
Strouse's extraordinary biography gives dramatic new dimension not only to Morgan but to the culture, political struggles, and social conflicts of America's momentous Gilded Age.
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The Truth About Robber Barons.(Morgan: American Financier)(Titan: The Life of John D. Rockefeller Sr.)(Review) (book review): An article from: Policy Review
Woody West
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Release Date: 2005-07-28 |
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This digital document is an article from Policy Review, published by Hoover Institution Press on February 1, 2000. The length of the article is 4128 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: The Truth About Robber Barons.(Morgan: American Financier)(Titan: The Life of John D. Rockefeller Sr.)(Review) (book review)
Author: Woody West
Publication:
Policy Review (Refereed)
Date: February 1, 2000
Publisher: Hoover Institution Press
Page: 69
Article Type: Book Review
Distributed by Thomson Gale
Average customer rating:
- the west isn't necessarily the best
- Western Liberalism on Trial
- conflict vs cohesion- unsophisticated historiography
- Historical Revisonism at it's finest
- A difficult read but worth the effort
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Faith in Nation: Exclusionary Origins of Nationalism
Anthony W. Marx
Manufacturer: Oxford University Press, USA
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ASIN: 0195182596 |
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In a startling departure from the unquestioning liberal consensus that has governed discussions of nationalism for the past quarter century, Marx exposes the hidden underside of Western nationalism. Arguing that the true history of the nation began two hundred years earlier, in the early modern era, he shows how state builders set about deliberately constructing a sense of national solidarity to support their burgeoning authority. Key to this process was the transfer of power from local to central rulers; the most suitable vehicle for effecting this transfer was religion. Religious intolerance, specifically the exclusion of religious minorities from the nascent state, provided the glue that bound together the remaining populations. Exposing the West's idealization of its exclusionary past, Marx forcefully undermines the distinction between a Western nationalism that is civic and tolerant by definition and an oriental nationalism founded on ethnicity and intolerance.
Customer Reviews:
the west isn't necessarily the best.......2007-06-10
marx's excellent deconstruction of western liberal democracy serves as a wake-up call to all those who hold western nationalism as a relatively inclusive and peaceful transition in the 1800s. marx takes us back to the 1500s and 1600s and shows that the nations of france, spain, and england were formed primarily by violent religious exclusion. only by ridding themselves of the heterogeneity in their population were they able to then embark on forming their nations. a controversial book, for sure, and one that doesn't actually theorize anything (again, more of a deconstruction than anything else), this book is an essential read.
Western Liberalism on Trial.......2006-05-18
In Faith in Nation, Anthony Marx delivers a spirited rebuttal of the "literary trope" (p 15) about a liberal, inclusive Western nationalism. Instead, he argues that even the "truest" brand of Western nationalism-that of England and France-came to being only after brutal fratricide of massive scale. His entire theory is based on a central position that nationalism developed much earlier than is popularly believed today. This leads one to question why does he insist on such a position? Has he made the case for it? What happens to his theory if the position turns out to be wrong?
I will argue that the definition of the state, or the lack thereof, is key to answering all of the above questions. Only by implicitly loosening the definition of the state, can Marx trace the genesis of Western nationalism back to as early as the 16th century, thus cementing the linkage between Western nationalism and religious violence. However, the liberal adaptation of the concept of the state puts Marx's entire theory on shaky ground.
According to Marx, the state is the raison d'état of nationalism: for nationalism to become a historical force, it "must ... refer to a state as an existing structure or potential object of engagement" (p 8). Although he declares early and clearly what nationalism is (p 4), he never spells out his definition of a state. In fact, what we would think of as a modern state today can hardly be found in 16th century Europe.
Only when the definition of a state is sufficiently loosened, can Marx backdate nationalism to the 16th century, when most of the political authorities at the time existed in the form of royal courts. Only after he pushes back the genesis of nationalism, can Marx connect the religious violence of the 16th century to nationalism. Only when the religious violence is viewed as part of the history of nation building, does it acquire significance in the nature of Western nationalism. Otherwise, the St. Barthelme Day massacre or the burnings at Smithfield is just another "normal" religious upheavals in history, thus any association the massacre or the burnings may have with nation building would be purely coincidental-as Liah Greenfeld implied when Marx quoted her in saying, "Frenchness was disassociating itself from Catholicism." To Anthony Marx, however, French nationalism and its French Catholic identity are not external to each other. They are just different stages in the same dialectic process. Therefore, real "Frenchness" is actually the public oblivion in France of the strange relationship between the church and the state1.
Yet all the grand reasoning depends on Marx's definition of the state. After all, can we call the royal courts of the 16th century "states"? Not only has Marx not given his readers a clear answer, some of his own writings seem to contradict each other. For example, Marx mentions that the Treaty of Westphalia marks the beginning of the modern states (p 35). But the French War of Religions and the reign of Mary Tudor-the very conflicts that are supposedly at the core of nation-state building-occurred almost a century earlier. Even if we use the later date, 1648, as the beginning of the state system, one still has to be cautious to label all subsequent political authorities "states". Regardless whether Louis XIV actually said "I am the state", the fact that monarchical authority is directly associated with an individual ruler makes it transient in nature (relative to institutionalized modern government), therefore it can hardly be designated the "object of engagement" for nationalist ideology.
Since Marx's concept of the state is on shaky ground, his entire theory appears highly questionable. I would argue, however, there are two options that can salvage his arguments. One is to weaken the link between nationalism and the state. In other words, nationalism may develop independent of the state. This observation may have a wider application outside of the context of Western history than inside of it. The other option is to introduce a third element, such as political culture, that can bridge the violent past and state and nation building in later times. For example, one accepts that the massive fratricide did happen earlier than the emergence of the nation-state. Nevertheless, the bloodshed molded a new political culture, which manifested itself as a more inclusive nationalism when the nation-state took shape later. If such an interpretation proves to be a more sensible reading of history than that of Marx, then Marx's criticism of Western nationalism can be easily appropriated to deconstruct the Western political culture-the liberal democracy-itself: that it has a ugly past but short memory. However, is the world ready for such a "total recall"?
conflict vs cohesion- unsophisticated historiography.......2004-09-03
Marx'claims about the timing and the manipulative origins of nationalism do not quite fit the facts. I will show that one consequence of Marx's thesis may be a variant of Hugh Trevor Roper's view of Hitler as a traditional European statesman. Viz., Hitler fostered German development toward an enlightened society [the Federal Republic?] by conjuring religious [/ethnic] disharmony to consolidate Nazi power. [Of course, as Sauer has shown about the Gauliter system, fascists aimed at a return to pre-modern, de- centralized, charismatic forms of organization. So not all nationalism serves a centralization aim.] Marx's mistaken thesis rests upon tendentious examples. Neo- [Karl] Marxists have maintained since mid- 2oth century that elites manipulated antecedent nationalism to achieve political cohesion against foreign enemies. T Marx merely takes the thesis that nationalism was manipulated [e.g., in WWI] to subvert class solidarity, next internalizes it to apply to intra-state cohesion, then projects this twisted commonplace backward as a sort of genetic fallacy. Rather,the most portentous exclusionary[eliminationist?] European nationalism was ultimately the Germanic variety. But its genesis (e.g., Herder, Goethe- the latter being the quintessence of liberalism qua Aufklarung] plainly predated any serious political centralization efforts beyond Joseph II's. Marx' move here must be to claim there since there was no nation-building before Bismarck, ergo the prior nationalist movement [e.g., resistance to Napoleon] does not qualify as nationalism of the right sort [did not culminate in liberal state?? but cf the Hitler rumination above]. Ergo, the German experience is disqualified as a counter- example and so cannot count as evidence against his statist incubation thesis. But dismissing this counter- example by disallowing it demonstrates that, at bottom, his thesis is a mere recommendation about how historians should use the honorific "modern nationalism". That is, his enterprise is revealed as attemppting to establish a stipulative definition of nationalism. It is not a historical account of nationlism's development. Alternatively, he must modify his conclusion so that royal centralization did not originate nationalism, but deformed it into his procrustean mold. But when did state- induced nationalism arise, even in German lands?
What about Marx' temporal claim that nationalism was the product of [royal] centralization in the early modern epoch? The dynamic of centralization, particularly in France [but also in the Holy Roman Empire] began centuries before. It did not start with exclusionary cohesion/ religious factionalism in the 15th century, but with a conflict with the papacy in the 11th. The Investiture Contest with the Pope ostensibly concerned the king/ emperor's rights vs that of the Pontiff in nominating bishops to be invested with consecrated ecclesiastical -- and political/ temporal-- authority. As bishops were among the super- castellans of that feudal epoch, this effort to create a national church - one in liege service to central authority- was at least a progenitor of the nationalist phenomenon Marx attempts to explain. Not a mass movement, Marx objects? Perhaps the later Reformation era factionalism mobilized and augmented the nationalism implicit in the 11th and intervening centuries. But nationalism was not the product of that later conflict.
Historical Revisonism at it's finest.......2003-11-20
An iconoclastic work, a difficult read whose implications are reflected in the news headlines of today. The author locates the roots of European nationalism in its modern, tolerant form, in the religious exclusions and passions of the late 15th century. He suggests that modern nationalism, rather than being caused by a decline of religious belief is the result of the use of religious passions to mobilize populations to engage with their respective elites. This engagement took the form of persecution and exclusion of minorities. The work compares Spain, where the state institutionalized the phenomena in the Inquisition, France, where the state attempted to use anti Protestant sentiments against the Huguenots and Britain where Kings Charles I and James attempted to overcome the anti-Catholic sentiment being championed by members of parliament. In the case of Spain the lack of religious violence and passion lead to incomplete nation formation while the most violent nation, France, became the most egalitarian nation. An interesting effort would be to extend the analysis to post colonial states in Africa and the Middle East.
Also recommended:
Nations and Nationalism: Ernest Gellner
Nations and Nationalism since 1780: E.J. Hobsbawn
Propaganda:The Formation of Men's Attitudes:Jacques Ellul
A difficult read but worth the effort.......2003-09-19
Anthony Marx, who was recently appointed president of Amherst College, exposes the clay feet of Western nationalism in his 2003 work, FAITH IN NATION. In this ground breaking work of revisionist political history and anyalysis, Marx rejects the tradionally held asumptions regarding the originis of Western nationalism. Marx goes about systemically challenging traditional scholarship that places the roots on nationalism 18th and 19th century political engagement, allegiance to the secular power of emerging states, liberalism, torelation and inclusiveness. According to Marx, nationalism was not a product of the Enlightenment. Its birth did not coincide with the rights and toleration of England's constituional monarchy and it was not epitomized by the motto of the French Revolution, "liberty, equality and fraternity."
Through the use of a comparative study of the three great Atlantic seaboard powers of early modern Western Europe, Spain, France and England, Marx shows that the origins of nationalism are in fact sinister, illiberal rather than liberal. Going back two centuries earlier than traditional thought and relying on original sources and the analysis of current day scholars, he revelas the dirty little secret that Western nationalism evolved through a process of exclusion rather than inclusion and form internal discord over religion, usually in the form of religious fanaticism. He shows the church as a tool to facilitate the exclusion of Jews in Spain, the oppression of religious sects in England and France, and sometimes murder so that like minded people could feel a sense of commonality outside the local community and for an allegiance to a central government. Although each of the countries under consideration have different histories, which Marx recounts for the reader, he shows similarities amoung them in terms of structural logic.
Essention to the process of nation buidling is the transfer of power from local to central rulers. While arguing that the most effective way of transferring that power was religion and fanatical passions, Marx also shows that in most cases this process was not the result of spontaneous social forces but effectuated by policies initiated by powerful fources at the center of the society that ultimately controlled the periphery. Absolutist rulers of the early modern European states all shared a desire to build coherence and loyalty of their subjects in order to bolster their own authority. However, the more the populace below became engaged, the more control from above was lost. He demonstrates a shifting of social controls from the center to the periphery and occasions when the centter totally lost control, suas as the Saint Bartholomew's massacre.
At first glance, FAITH IN NATION is a difficult and complex work. However, once the reader comprehends the basic thesis of the book, he is thrown into a challenging and fascinating discussion of the roots of contemporary world politics which culminates in the final chapter in the discussion of St. Bartholomew as the possible patron saint of nationalism. The conlusion is grim but insightful. Marx subtletly raises imponderable questions regarding the origins of the Holocaust, ethnic cleansing in Albania and tribal wars in Ruaunda and even race relations in the US. In this post 9/11 work, where Americans ponder the question of why parts of the world hate us and what would drive others to seek the destruction of our way of life, Marx raises fascinating questions for discussion and debate. His scholarshp challenges traditional thinking on nationalism but it goes further than that. It challenges the Western reader to reconsider their heritage and perspective on the world in which we live and question the theological backgrounds of our world.
Book Description
This digital document is an article from Church History, published by American Society of Church History on December 1, 2004. The length of the article is 1066 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: Faith in Nation: Exclusionary Origins of Nationalism.(Book Review)
Author: Dewey D., Jr. Wallace
Publication:
Church History (Refereed)
Date: December 1, 2004
Publisher: American Society of Church History
Volume: 73
Issue: 4
Page: 862(3)
Article Type: Book Review
Distributed by Thomson Gale
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People And Reefs: Successes And Challenges in the Management of Coral Reef Marine Protected Areas (Unep Regional Seas Reports and Studies)
Manufacturer: United Nations Environment Programme
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ASIN: 928072519X |
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