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Raised to be a committed Marxist by communist intellectual parents, Horowitz was in on the ground floor of Berkeley activism, and through his work as an editor at Ramparts magazine, he emerged as a key player in the New Left. He went on to become an active supporter of the Black Panthers and something of an intimate of their founder, Huey P. Newton. Yet today he is an outspoken political conservative who has supported many right-wing causes (such as the contras in Nicaragua) and been critical of '60s radicalism in general. It would be easy to conclude that Horowitz went from A to Z this way because he's superficial and unstable. Instead, as this moving, intellectual autobiography shows, his second thoughts about leftism emerged gradually as he experienced various aspects of the "Movement." The catalytic episode came when he discovered that the Panthers had murdered a friend of his, but even then Horowitz was slow to convert, primarily because he was heavily enmeshed in what he now views as the quintessential leftist habit of judging politics by its intentions, not its acts.
Customer Reviews:
Sociopath Finds His True Calling.......2007-09-24
Don't be manipulated by former "liberals" who have found that there is more money in writing conservative books than liberal ones. There are rich and powerful foundations that will buy enough of a conservative writer's books in the first week to put him on the Bestseller lists. They will promote him if he is a good enough writer and make a bigtime television pundit out of him, pay him to speak at conservative conferences.
Horowitz was never a liberal.
Liberals can be born to conservatives and vice versa. Upbringing will have an effect as long as the born conservative sees his parents as authority figures. Later his true leanings will out, when he learns there are other richer and more powerful authorities than his parents.
David Horowitz reminds me a lot of Michael Savage, who was born a weiner and became a savage. Both are mean spirited sociopaths who conformed to the hippy fashion in the sixties. (Conservatives are born conformists.)
Then they realized where the money was.
Horowitz sees a beggar and automatically sees him as a con man like himself. He's the kind of guy who, but for fortune, would be cheating the government or pretending to be a cripple to get money. He projects his own sociopathic inner self onto the poor.
Partisan-city.......2007-09-20
Once a fanatic, always a fanatic. Horowitz. What're ya gonna do with this guy? One thing of worth to note about this book is that it's decent proof that the far left is actually equal to the far right. Or for you math fans, R = L. Sad, but true. Nobody has any discretion anymore. If only things were so black and white, huh? Then we wouldn't have to think at all.
Thank God for His Journey. .......2007-08-06
When I was a kid my dad only gave me one bit of political advice. He said, "Democrats care about the poor and Republicans only care about the rich." Fortunate it was that my father never lived to witness the development of my own political views--ones which turned out to be diametrically opposed to his own. The same cannot be said for David Horowitz whose autobiography, Radical Son: A Generational Odyssey , showcases a father and son relationship that once thrived, but nearly died, over the issue of politics. The author was a prodigy of governance and began his first civic project at the age of ten. He remains just as passionate about this subject today.
Horowitz was born in the enclave of Sunnyside Gardens in Long Island City. In public, its natives termed themselves "progressive," but the denizens of the block were actually, for the most part, communist. They held secret neighborhood cell meetings, and the Horowitz family hid their copies of The Works of J.V. Stalin and The Little Lenin Library in their basement. The radical son had an ardently radical childhood. His experiences were steeped in the ways of Marxism. In the summers he spent two weeks at Camp Wo-Chi-Ca; a facility that was about as American Indian in tradition as the city of Vladivostok. The name was but a communist deception. What it really stood for Workers Children's Camp.
It was from this radical pedigree that Horowitz's career sprung. He became a most unusual activist intellectual; one as devoted to scholarly rigor as he was the need for change. Given this eventuality, in retrospect his departure from the left was probably inevitable. No one devoted to the pursuit of truth can last very long in the swamps of postmodernism.
Radical Son is thoroughly a political memoir. The author's personal history is essential to the plot, but, without his political associations and remembrances, the story could not be told. The chapters are just as much a psychological study of the progressive mind as they are a study of the author's. The personal always was political to those people. The phrase was more than a vapid sixties cliché; it was the entire justification for a political movement.
Radical Son's scope is monumental as it encompasses some of the most tumultuous years in American history. Few writers could have successfully duplicated his feat as they would lack Horowitz's technical skills along with his passion for examination. A girl he once dated said of him, "You don't live an experience, because you're too busy analyzing it." Thank God for that or the undeniably hateful nature of these extremists would have gone undocumented.
Radical Son turns 10 this year and should be prized chiefly for the dividend the mental anguish of its author paid out. His battles and alienation from the left eventually delivered to the right a conservative son who now serves conservadom more faithfully and effectively than its own progeny. In How to Beat the Democrats and The Art of Political War he expounds on how to counteract the political theatre and papier-mâché idols of the left, but, sadly, few rightists appear to have studied his missives.
Radical Son is a personal story, but one whose ramifications benefit our country to this day. Yes, second thoughts are often best.
So... he is a FLIP FLOPPER?.......2007-07-03
DH drones on & on about his political flip flop... in which he was a liberal well into what I would call adulthood. DH then essentially 'sees the light' and blames his past politics on his parents. Sounds very mature... it is someone else's fault, not mine... my parents are worthy of zero respect even though they loved and raised me... and somehow it is OK for me to alter my political views from time to time, while it isn't acceptable for others. Didn't the entire right wing elect a president back in 2000 based on the idea that changing one's political views made you a horrible flip flopper? I guess if your audience is ready to buy it... you can sell them any sort of nonsensical drivel...
The Whittaker Chambers of our time.......2007-04-30
Horowitz was a red-diaper baby raised in NYC, his parents active Communist Party members who lost their jobs because of it in the 1950s. He became a leading Marxist intellectual, writer and scholar, influential with the budding New Left of the 1960s, and then the editor of the radical "Ramparts" Rolling-Stone-style magazine. He was one of the founders of SDS. A lot of left leaders found his early work inspirational, including the founders of Berkeley's Free Speech Movement in 1964 which began the radicalization of college campuses with numerous demonstrations. He became disillusioned with the left in the 1970s after the Black Panthers, who were lionized by the left, murdered one of his colleagues, a bookkeeper he'd recommended to them when he was their premier white adviser.
Horowitz became a conservative and has devoted his life since to debunking the popular left-approved version of what happened in the 1960s. He says that SDS was the effort to revive Communist organizing in the US, while detaching it from connections to the Soviet Union and the discredited US Communist Party, and was entirely begun by red-diaper babies like himself, young people raised as Communists by their Communist parents. The sole exception, he says, was Tom Hayden, whose raison d'etre as a socialist seemed to be the bottomless anger he felt for his father having been a drunk. Hayden confided to Horowitz that police brutality was the exact goal sought in radical disturbances such as the Democratic Convention riots in Chicago in 1968; having their heads beat in, he said, would radicalize people. I wonder how many easily-led college students of that era realize their leaders wanted them hurt?
Horowitz is the Whittaker Chambers of our generation. Chambers was the more compelling writer and had a more dire message which was utterly new when he wrote it: that we faced a worldwide epic battle between Communism and God, that God seemed to be losing, that the U.S. didn't seem to realize the world around it was slowly slipping away, and that American liberals were the "useful idiots" empowering a revolution that would ultimately consume them. But Horowitz, a good enough writer whose story intersects with many of the noted personalities and events of the 1960s and 1970s, is more relevant to the more recent New Left. He had a fabulous vantage point to recount how destructive it was and how hypocritical in rationalizing the crimes of those like the Panthers and the Weathermen. It dawned on him that a society permitting even revolutionaries such liberties, didn't deserve the contempt the Left heaped upon it. His own card-carrying parents ultimately had their firings reversed and pensions reinstated, after losing teaching jobs just shy of retirement, by the very fascist state they had worked so hard to overthrow.
Horowitz's entire education and writing career focused on worshipping the now dead God of Marxism; when he left it, he was leaving everything he had ever known. A brave move it was and here he tells the tale.
Product Description
13 cassetts David Horowitz, a onetime leftist radical turned right-wing conservative, has written an autobiography about his political transformation. His memoir charts a trek from one political commitment to nearly its opposite while his sense of self and of his righteousness stays constant.
The son of proudly Communist parents, he became a major figure in the 1960s New Left. He is by no means the only intellectual and activist to have moved from the Left to the Right in recent decades, but few have done so while maintaining such a high profile and outspoken style. His book therefore becomes not only an important and fascinating memoir of the 1960s but also a devastating analysis of the legacy of that time.
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Radical Sons: A Generational Odyssey
David Horowitz
Manufacturer: Books on Tape
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Binding: Audio Cassette
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ASIN: 0736663649 |
Book Description
David Horowitz, a onetime leftist radical turned right-wing conservative, has written an autobiography about his political transformation. His memoir charts a trek from one political commitment to nearly its opposite while his sense of self and of his righteousness stays constant. The son of proudly Communist parents, he became a major figure in the 1960s New Left. He is by no means the only intellectual and activist to have moved from the Left to the Right in recent decades but few have done so while maintaining such a high profile and outspoken style. His book therefore becomes not only an important and fascinating memoir of the 1960s but also a devastating analysis of the legacy of that time.
Book Description
This digital document is an article from First Things: A Monthly Journal of Religion and Public Life, published by Institute on Religion and Public Life on August 1, 1997. The length of the article is 1408 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: Radical Son: A Generational Odyssey. (book reviews)
Author: Ramesh Ponnuru
Publication:
First Things: A Monthly Journal of Religion and Public Life (Refereed)
Date: August 1, 1997
Publisher: Institute on Religion and Public Life
Issue: n75
Page: p61(4)
Article Type: Book Review
Distributed by Thomson Gale
Customer Reviews:
Fascinating biography and history.......2007-08-15
In this absorbing and candid autobiography, Horowitz tells of his journey from leftwing radical to conservative activist. In truth, he is a classical liberal rather than a conservative and very effective in the struggle for truth and freedom these days. The book also explores the history of leftism in America and provides revealing portraits of certain prominent intellectuals.
Part I: Black Holes (1904 - 1939) narrates the history of his communist parents and his early childhood, whilst the next: Coming Of Age (1940 - 1956) tells of his teenage years, his studies and first marriage. Part 3: New Worlds (1957 - 1967) describes his time at Berkeley, his first writings for radical magazines and his sojourns in London and Sweden.
In Part 4: Revolutions (1968 - 1973), the family returns to Berkeley where the counterculture was in full swing. This was when Horowitz started working for the New Left magazine Ramparts and marked the beginning of his involvement with the Black Panthers. This was also when he met his longtime friend and collaborator Peter Collier.
His tragic involvement with the Panthers is detailed in Part 5 (1973 - 1974). This culminated in the murder of his friend Betty Van Patten, the tragedy that caused him to have second thoughts about his political convictions and associates on the Left.
The next chapter deals with the years 1975 to 1980 when he tried to discover the truth about the death of Van Patten. He ceased all political activity and slowly came to the realization that some people had an inherent will to evil. Most of his leftwing friends did not care about the murder and simply ignored it although they knew who was behind it.
Part 7: Coming Home (1980 - 1992) chronicles the fruition of his second thoughts when he finally left the Left. What is of particular interest here is his description of how the moonbat leaders of the gay community in San Francisco contributed to the death and suffering of the AIDS epidemic because of their denial that a promiscuous lifestyle contributed to the spread of the disease.
It was in this period that his second collaboration with Collier, a book on the Kennedys, was published and became a huge success. Also, the seminal book on the radicalism of the 1960s, Destructive Generation, was published. In 1991 he founded the Center For The Study of Popular Culture and the journal Heterodoxy.
Radical Son is a most moving autobiography and an insightful examination of the leftist mindset of hate and nihilism, as well as a gripping historical perspective on the intellectual currents of the 20th century. I also recommend What's Left? by Nick Cohen, The Inheritance by Samuel G Freedman and Why I Turned Right: Leading Baby Boom Conservatives Chronicle Their Political Journeys by Mary Eberstadt.
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The Battle of Agincourt: Sources and Interpretations (Warfare in History)
Anne Curry
Manufacturer: Boydell Press
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Binding: Hardcover
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Agincourt: A New History
ASIN: 0851158021 |
Book Description
Accessible collections of primary sources covering the Hundred Years War are still remarkably few and far between, and teachers of the subject will find Curry's volume a valuable addition to their bibliographies and teaching aids. FRENCH HISTORY `Agincourt! Agincourt! Know ye not Agincourt?' So began a ballad of around 1600. Since the event itself (25 October 1415), the great military engagement has occupied a special place in both English and French consciousness, respectively as either one of the greatest military successes ever, or as the `accursed day'. Much ink has been spilt on the battle but do we really know Agincourt? Not since Harris Nicolas's History of the Battle of Agincourt (1827-33) has there been a full attempt to survey the sources until now: this book brings together, in translation and with commentary, English and French narrative accounts and literary works of the fifteenth century. It also traces the treatment of the battle in sixteenth-century English histories and in the literary representations of, amongst others, Shakespeare and Drayton. After examining how later historians interpreted the battle, it concludes with the first full assessment of the extremely rich administrative records which survive for the armies which fought 'upon Saint Crispin's day'.ANNE CURRY is Senior Lecturer in History and Head of Department, University of Reading.CONTENTS Twenty-six chronicle sources, English and French Accounts from six sixteenth-century English historians Twenty-one records of contemporary reception of the battle, and the development of the literary tradition, in England and France Summaries of interpretations from the eighteenth to the twentieth centuries Excerpts from eighteen administrative records relating to the English and French armies
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This digital document is an article from Albion, published by North American Conference on British Studies on June 22, 2002. The length of the article is 719 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: The Battle of Agincourt: Sources and Interpretations. (Reviews of Books).(Book Review)
Author: A. Compton Reeves
Publication:
Albion (Refereed)
Date: June 22, 2002
Publisher: North American Conference on British Studies
Volume: 34
Issue: 2
Page: 277(2)
Article Type: Book Review
Distributed by Thomson Gale
Book Description
During the Reagan years, Americans witnessed an extraordinary array of changes, from major technological advances to sweeping revisions of the tax code to the deregulation of major industries and the advent of the culture wars. America emerged from the decade completely transformed: political and social arrangements derived from post–World War II liberalism had given way to the highly competitive, fast-changing, technology-driven society we know today.
In The Eighties, John Ehrman tracks this transformation in the context of Ronald Reagan’s policies and convictions and examines the broader trends that enabled Reagan to achieve so much of his agenda. At a time when most Americans remained fairly centrist in their political commitments, Reagan was able to shift policy toward the right by building support for a few key policies. His gradualist approach met with little opposition from Democrats, who failed to mount a coherent response. Based on a broad range of primary source material, The Eighties offers an accessible and balanced account of a watershed decade in American history.
Customer Reviews:
A Golden Age for Some.......2007-10-06
The Eighties certainly were a palmy time for American conservatism. Though the conflicts which have eaten away at their majority (until it wasn't a majority any more) were all visible from the beginning, it was hard to worry about them when the day was young and the sledding was fresh. It is revealing, both of that time and our own, that the reviews I see here (most, apparently, written by conservatives) disagree so sharply, both about Ehrman's book and about his topic.
The book is fine, though limited. It is kind (which is to say, evasive) about Reagan's worst excesses. The grand cliche of Eighties Scholarship: that Reagan triumphed by "changing the paradigm" -- that he was foremost a "great communicator" who built a new consensus on the core ideas of American politics -- remains untouched. To get a more accurate assessment of Reagan, you will have to read the critical authors regarding whom a divided conservative movement joins in condemnation. I would suggest instead of this book, Garry Wills' _Reagan's America: Innocents at Home_. It's a far better book, both about the parts of Reagan and his "revolution" that worked, and the parts that just weren't there.
For a book on the destructive aspects of the Reagan years you will also have to look elsewhere. Conservatives have taken to stabbing each other these days, so those golden days in which the knife was reserved for others are now remembered like a football weekend from one's twenties: the air was cool and crisp, the scent of falling leaves was in the air, one's side was mostly winning and everyone one knew was happy.
A good review of the Reagan years, if blatantly partisan.......2006-11-06
John Ehrman writes a good review of the Reagan years in "The Eighties, American in the Age of Reagan". Ehrman's style of writing is a very readable replay of the 1980s but grows a bit tiresome as he failingly seeks to hide his own right wing agenda in painting the Reagan years as near perfect times for the United States domestically (he almost completely ignores foreign policy in this book). Those seeking a detailed analysis or any real research or, in fact new ideas, can take this off their reading lists. For those of us who find the more recent years of the late 20th Century to be worthy of review - this can be, for the most part an enjoyable read.
There are many errors of fact that are glaring which makes any critical reader question other arguments the author states as factual. On Michael Milken, Ehman states "to maintain the value of the bonds, he engaged in insider tarding , market manipulation, and self dealing on a colossal scale . . .". Surely any with any knowledge know that the motivation was market share, not the value of the bonds. Colossal? Milken pled to 6 felony counts on very specific transactions, not one having to do with "insider trading". Perhaps the author read as fact overblown books such as James Stewart which were truly worse than night time soap operas.
In a particularly arrogant way, Ehman, who has yet to (and is highly unlikely to) add any significant historical research on the 20th Century, states that C. Vann Woodward, clearly a top historian of the period, "simply was wrong". This comment, sparked by the uproar of Bush I's 1988 presidential compaign, replete with Willie Horton adds, was, according to Woodward "cynical and unscrupulous".
Ehman fails to reconcile the victories of conservatism, and there were many, with the failure of a conservative economic agenda. Clearly one major reason Reagan won election was the burgeoning deficits of the Carter era (still under $70 billion at the end of his administration). Reagan's supply side economics, Laffer curve and all, with tax cuts designed to INCREASE revenue and huge defense spending increases produced budget deficits never before seen in our nations history. It was under a liberal President that the budget was eventually in suplus for four years with Clinton in power. Bush II, who seemingly learned one thing between his father (who faltered) and Reagan (who prospered) and that was keep taxes low and continue to seek to cut them futher. This flies in the face of conservative economic doctrine and, like the fiasco with our Marines in Beruit in 1983, the author simply ignores topics that might weaken his case.
Ehman, as such, can write a nice montage of a period but cannot be expected to generate new ideas or even research old ones. Perhaps he will be the one who gets to write on George W's "successes" as President and can sit with Rummy, Cheney, Hannity and Limbaugh one day soon in the lonely hearts club. I love a good partisan book but please don't try and hide a glaringly jaded and right wing agenda.
seeing ourselves from a broader perspective... sorting out what works and doesn't work improving quality of life..........2005-08-14
I read this book because I wanted to learn more about the history of the American economy.
The author, John Ehrman, focuses on changes in domestic policies, politics, and quality of life particularly associated with President Reagan's years in office, 1981 to 1989. Ehrman includes substantial material on changes prior and subsequent to these years, so the continuity to present-day circumstances is excellent.
Ehrman helps Americans see themselves from a broader perspective, for example, that on the whole, Americans prefer workable ideas vs. ideologies, and gradual change vs. extremes. A key dynamic for this preference is that second and third generation immigrants of all origins experience improved education, leading to improved work opportunities, leading to improved quality of life, leading to preferring policies that promote economic stability.
The author appears to be neo-conservative (moderate) in point of view but I found the book sympathetic and comprehensive in coverage of liberal vs. conservative, moderate vs. extreme, and other contrasting points of view. In fact I found it quite instructive understanding and sorting out these points of view.
I concur with the author's assertion that most Americans are centrist and gradual. His work helps us see the actions of President Reagan's administration that worked and the actions that didn't work in building consensus and making successful progress.
the Definitive Work on a Transforming Decade.......2005-06-17
John Ehrman, whose 'Rise of Neoconservatism' a decade ago is still the essential work on the subject, has returned with the single book one needs to understand the 1980s. His thesis is that Ronald Reagan was a "transformational President" who both reflected and defined his times and thereby indelibly put his stamp on American civil and cultural life in a way that affects us still and will continue to do so for years to come.
'The Eighties' is a balanced, well-researched, engaging, and ultimately persuasive book. Reagan's success, Ehrman argues, was based on two factors; first, Reagan understood and appealled to the natural and moderate conservatism inherent in American politics. Ehrman's case is that Reaganism, despite the shrillness of its critics, turned out to be a moderate conservatism of the center rather than the extremist caricature touted by the left. Second, Reagan was helped immensely by the ineptness of his opponents and their failure to understand America's conservative centrism; to this day, the Democratic party has not managed to come up with a coherent answer to Reagan.
Ehrman is particularly strong describing broad trends without becoming overly dry or academic. His description of the origins of the "culture wars" is very good, as is his discussion of the increasing irrelevance of academia. His introduction contains the clearest and most concise definitions of liberalism and conservatism I have seen. There is a withering assessment of Michael Dukakis as the Democrats' candidate of desperation in the 1988 election against Reagan's Vice President (some guy named Bush, who was elected in a landslide as a proxy for a third Reagan term).
Above all, Ehrman's objectivity prevents 'The Eighties' from becoming a hagiography of Reagan--which is why a few on the far right don't like it. The author faces squarely Reagan's shortcomings, especially his managerial style. But rather than add to the plethora of biographic treatments of the 40th president, Ehrman has wisely focused on how Reagan changed American political life immutably. Whether it's welfare reform, abandonment of confiscatory taxes, or the death of Clinton's health care, we have to give Reagan credit--and, for many of us, he gets our thanks as well.
Perhaps too non-judgemental.......2005-06-02
Though the title of his book suggests the possibility of narrative sweep it is in fact a more modestly targeted effort. For the most part Mr. Ehrman treats the '80s as a transitional era, as America went from a failing industrial economy to the exuberant information economy of the '90s and from a near universal acceptance of liberal New Deal/Great Society orthodoxy to the widespread belief, even among Third Way Democrats, in conservative approaches to social problems and the use of free market solutions to provide social services and fuel economic growth. Combined with for the most part ignoring foreign affairs this enables him to take a more sober look at Ronald Reagan than do many of the reverent analysts on the Right and the hysterical critics on the Left. In our hyperpartisan era, such dispassion is somewhat refreshing, but it does seem to make Mr. Ehrman overly cautious in offering assessments, as if giving President Reagan much credit for anything would betray an unforgivable bias. Too often that leads to a certain sense in the book that the changes that took place in the '80s were inevitable and Mr. Reagan just happened to be in office while they went on around him. Surely there's a middle ground between claiming that the Gipper walked on water and pretending that a second Jimmy Carter term, would have been indistinguishable from Reagan's first?
That said, there's one theme of the book that Mr. Ehrman handles especially well, a leitmotif that he traces through the decade to devastating effect: the complete failure of liberalism generally and the Democrats in particular to come to grips with the fact that conservatism was being re-established as a credible political philosophy in America, perhaps even its dominant one. Speaker of the House Tip O'Neill; Senate Minority Leader Robert Byrd; presidential candidates Jimmy Carter, Walter Mondale and Michael Dukakis; pundits and academics like Robert Reich, Lester Thurow, Paul Kennedy, and Arthur Schlesinger, Jr.; are all portrayed as just flailing around, denying by turns the importance of Reagan's victory, the potential that Reaganomics could revive the economy, the possibility of prevailing in the Cold War, even the future of America. The occasional reformist voice on the Left--a Gary Hart or Ira Magaziner--was overwhelmed as: "Liberal intellectuals showed themselves still beset with economic anxieties and unable to break free from past perspectives, fear of foreigners [mostly Japan and the Soviets], or unproductive abstractions." Mr. Ehrman depicts the '80s, quite accurately, as a lost decade for liberalism. Many of its legislative achievements and the changes it had brought to institutions endured at decade's end, but they'd lost their intellectual justification. Significantly, when a Democrat did finally win back the presidency, it was a Southern moderate who ran against liberalism as much as against conservatism and still only managed 43% of the vote. Even Bill Clinton though seems not to have learned this lesson and by governing to the Left in his first two years lost long term control of Congress for the Democrats for the first time since the Great Depression and the party proceeded to nominate two garden variety liberals, Al Gore and John Kerry, who lost to George W. Bush, who ran well to the Right of where Ronald Reagan had governed. It will be possible for succeeding authors to Mr. Ehrman's theme into the '90s and well into the '00s. this gives the book an enduring significance, despite its weaknesses.
Book Description
This digital document is an article from The Weekly Standard, published by News America Incorporated on May 23, 2005. The length of the article is 2050 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: Reagan in retrospect: how the 40th president looks to history.(Books & Arts)(Morning in America: How Ronald Reagan Invented the 1980s)(The Eighties: America in the Age of Reagan)(Book Review)
Author: Steven F. Hayward
Publication:
The Weekly Standard (Magazine/Journal)
Date: May 23, 2005
Publisher: News America Incorporated
Volume: 10
Issue: 34
Page: 31(3)
Article Type: Book Review
Distributed by Thomson Gale
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Coral Reefs of the Indian Ocean: Their Ecology and Conservation
Manufacturer: Oxford University Press, USA
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Binding: Hardcover
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ASIN: 0195125967 |
Book Description
Coral reefs are among Earth's most diverse, productive, and beautiful ecosystems, but until recently, their ecology and the means to manage them have been poorly understood and documented. In response to the inadequate information base for coral reefs, this book reviews the ecological and conservation status of coral reefs of the Western Indian Ocean, bringing together presentations of the region's leading scientists and managers working on coral reefs. Coral Reefs of the Indian Ocean: Their Ecology and Conservation starts with a general overview of the biogeography of the region and a historical account of attempts to conserve this ecosystem. It goes on to describe the state of the reefs in each of the countries with coral reefs, and it concludes with a series of management case studies. The book also summarizes most of the existing ecological information on reefs in this region and efforts at management, making it useful for students, teachers, and investigators interested in tropical or marine ecology, conservation biology and management, and environmental sciences.
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- Siegfried Sassoon: A Life
- Slaying the Dragon: How to Turn Your Small Steps to Great Feats
- Son Rise: The Miracle Continues
- Spinoza: A Life
- Standing Alone in Mecca: An American Woman's Struggle for the Soul of Islam
- Starry Messenger: Galileo Galilei
Books Index
Books Home
Recommended Books
- Marie Antoinette
- Exclusion and Embrace: A Theological Exploration of Identity, Otherness, and Reconciliation
- Christmas in Mitford Gift Set: The Mitford Snowmen and Esther's Gift
- Dark Paradise
- Drive Time: Spanish
- Evolve Your Brain: The Science of Changing Your Mind
- Forever Liesl: A Memoir of The Sound of Music
- Stylemakers : Inside Fashion
- Crossing Paths: Uncommon Encounters With Animals in the Wild
- Pteridophytes of Kansas, Nebraska, South Dakota and North Dakota, USA
Left Illusions: An Intellectual Odyssey
The POLITICS OF BAD FAITH: The Radical Assault on America's Future
The End Of Time
Unholy Alliance: Radical Islam and the American Left
DESTRUCTIVE GENERATION: Second Thoughts About the '60s
