Amazon.com
"The people of this county deserve better from their politics and their politicians than they've been getting in recent years," writes Christine Todd Whitman in It's My Party Too. While hardly high praise for George W. Bush from a former member of his Cabinet (she served as director of the Environmental Protection Agency from January 2001 to May 2003), the real targets of her ire are some of her fellow Republicans who have forced the GOP to make a hard-right turn in recent years. Whitman argues that this shift poses a serious threat to the long-term health and competitiveness of the Republicans, a party in which moderates like Whitman, Colin Powell, Rudolph Giuliani, John McCain, Arnold Schwarzenegger, and George Pataki are paraded in public when necessary, but openly opposed behind the scenes. Whitman refers to those on the far right as "social fundamentalists" whose "mission is to advance their narrow ideological agenda" by using the government to impose their views on everyone else. Though she admits that evangelicals may have helped to win the 2004 election, they have claimed much more credit than they deserve for Bush's success, and she warns that catering to this narrow group will have consequences.
To achieve long-term success, she writes, the Republicans must move their focus back to the core issues that unite the true base of the party: less government, stronger national security, lower taxes combined with spending restraints, and job creation in the private sector--issues that have largely been pushed aside by efforts to ban abortion and embryonic stem cell research and a push to amend the Constitution to prohibit gay marriage. She also offers ideas for attracting more African Americans and women to the GOP, and highlights Republican environmental successes that have been ignored. It's My Party Too is a compelling analysis of the future of the Republican Party. --Shawn Carkonen
Book Description
The Republican party is embroiled in a heated and high-stakes battle between its far-right and moderate wings-with conservatives declaring open warfare on the moderates who ask themselves "Whatever happened to the party of Lincoln?" Bearing profound implications not only for the future of the party but also for the future of American politics, this momentous battle will rage on no matter what the outcome of the presidential election.
Christine Todd Whitman retired as a member of the Bush administration in June 2003, tired of the ideological battles in Washington and eager to return home to New Jersey. A lifelong and loyal Republican and a leader of the party's moderate wing, she is a passionate believer in the power of the "productive middle" in politics. In the tradition of Democratic Senator Zell Miller's national bestseller A National Party No More, which critiqued the Democratic party's move to the far left, in It's My Party Too she offers a passionate and revealing insider's argument against the hijacking of her party by zealous "social fundamentalists." Recounting many stories from the front lines of her own battles, both as a two-term New Jersey governor and on the hot seat as EPA administrator, she takes readers inside the tumultuous world of our politics today to reveal how a moderate approach can work wonders while that of extremists only leads to more division and fewer solutions.
Relentlessly pushing their ideological stances on abortion rights, race relations, the environment, tax policy, and go-it-alone foreign policy, the conservative extremists are not only violating traditional Republican principles, she argues, but are also holding the party back from achieving a true majority. By playing so slavishly to the far-right base, running negative campaigns and marginalizing women, the party has forsaken the much broader base that propelled the "Reagan revolution" and has fueled the country's overheated polarization.
Writing with the straight-talking and keenly intelligent candor that launched her onto the national stage-and made her such an inspiration to women all around the country-Christie Whitman sounds a rallying cry that will be vital reading for the millions of moderate voters who are fed up with the extremism of both parties. From one of the leading moderates in the Republican party-and one of its most powerful women-a thoughtful and provocative critique of the party's hard turn to the right and a call to arms for a return to its moderate roots.
Download Description
"The Republican party is embroiled in a heated and high-stakes battle between its far-right and moderate wings-with conservatives declaring open warfare on the moderates who ask themselves ""Whatever happened to the party of Lincoln?"" Bearing profound implications not only for the future of the party but also for the future of American politics, this momentous battle will rage on no matter what the outcome of the presidential election. Christine Todd Whitman retired as a member of the Bush administration in June 2003, tired of the ideological battles in Washington and eager to return home to New Jersey. A lifelong and loyal Republican and a leader of the party's moderate wing, she is a passionate believer in the power of the ""productive middle"" in politics. In the tradition of Democratic Senator Zell Miller's national bestseller A National Party No More, which critiqued the Democratic party's move to the far left, in It's My Party Too she offers a passionate and revealing insider's argument against the hijacking of her party by zealous ""social fundamentalists."" Recounting many stories from the front lines of her own battles, both as a two-term New Jersey governor and on the hot seat as EPA administrator, she takes readers inside the tumultuous world of our politics today to reveal how a moderate approach can work wonders while that of extremists only leads to more division and fewer solutions. Relentlessly pushing their ideological stances on abortion rights, race relations, the environment, tax policy, and go-it-alone foreign policy, the conservative extremists are not only violating traditional Republican principles, she argues, but are also holding the party back from achieving a true majority. By playing so slavishly to the far-right base, running negative campaigns and marginalizing women, the party has forsaken the much broader base that propelled the ""Reagan revolution"" and has fueled the country's overheated polarization. Writing with the straight-talking and keenly intelligent candor that launched her onto the national stage-and made her such an inspiration to women all around the country-Christie Whitman sounds a rallying cry that will be vital reading for the millions of moderate voters who are fed up with the extremism of both parties. From one of the leading moderates in the Republican party-and one of its most powerful women-a thoughtful and provocative critique of the party's hard turn to the right and a call to arms for a return to its moderate roots."
Customer Reviews:
Go Moderate Middle!!!.......2007-06-28
Of course the parties are becoming too extreme. But, is that really the fault of a few political leaders or is it due to the money of lobbyists who are taking control from the general public. I believe that Whitman's arguments are sound; not only for politics but for any group working together for a common goal. You must come together and compromise in order to get the best possible for the group. We cannot let power hungry players make the choices because they will end up moving the group to the extreme. I also thought that Whitman had some interesting ideas on how to get more women and minorities into politics. We need to make sure that our government more closely represents the gender and race of America as a whole.
Takes one to know one?.......2006-09-06
Christine Todd Whitman's book makes excuses and points a finger at Republican's for not doing all they can to pull more people into the party. Ms. Whitman clearly passes blame to anyone but herself, while she cost even more American lives in the days, months and years after 9-11 by stating that the air was clear and safe to breathe. If she is looking for the perfect example of what is wrong with the conservative party, a mirror would be a major asset.
Excellent Analysis, Wrong Conclusion.......2006-08-07
Poor former Governor Whitman of New Jersey. She hasn't figured out yet what conservative Republicans have made abundantly clear: the "Religious Right- neo-libertarian- neo-con" faction of the Republican Party wishes to rule the Republican Party, with various leaders from within these factions acceptable so long as they agree to the policies of the rest of the faction. Anyone from the "moderate to liberal" (not that there are many liberals left within the Republican Party) will be tolerated so long as they help the conservative branch of the Republican Party object some objectives. Yet, once those objectives have been reached, there definitely is no room for moderates within the leadership of the Republican Party, according to this new generation of conservative Republican leadership.
Christine Todd Whitman believes there is room for moderate Republicans within the Republican Party and her book "It's My Party, Too" argues that moderate Republicans need to organize and demand their role in the leadership ranks. While she makes a passionate plea, she may soon have to realize what most moderate Republicans to the north of her, those in New England and New York, have already realized. There is no place for moderates within the Republican Party anymore. If you can not pass the litmus test that the new Republican leadership demands, you might as well stop wasting your time within the Republican Party. You will be much more comfortable within the Democratic Party.
Governor Whitman does make some excellent arguments in her book. She notes that when President Bush pushes the agenda demanded by the conservative Republicans--attempting to oust a Republican National Chairwoman because she's pro-choice, halting social security reform in order to push for a ban against gay marriage, making proclamations on the rights to terminate the life of someone who is brain dead, etc.--Bush loses popularity. That is because Whitman indeed is right when she observes that this agenda is not popular amongst the voters. The right wing has brought the Republican Party to a point where it is losing touch with a majority of voters. Yet, this right wing leadership at least should be credited for standing by what they believe, and they are not going to compromise with moderates, no matter how much the moderates believes compromise is possible. It is the goal of these conservatives to use the Republican Party to push their agenda. They are not in it for the good of the Republican Party, but for the specifics of their conservative agenda.
Whitman should read her own book again. She discusses how Karl Rove runs his agenda past James Dobson because the White House needs the approval of such conservative commentators as Dobson. She notes that values are important to voters, and then questions whether those values should be those limited to those as defined by evangelical Republican leaders. Her book describes how the Southern Strategy of the Republican Party appealed to base racist sentiments among Southern voters. In many instances, she describes how Republican conservatives are "outward hostile" to moderate Republicans. Her observations are correct. Her hope that this conservative leadership will change and accept moderates back into the party is wishful thinking, yet very unlikely.
The author warns--correctly--that this litmus test is slowly losing ground politically as more and more voters are rejecting this conservative agenda. More and more people are being shoved out of the Republican Party. For example, when conservative Republicans insisted that sexual education classes in public schools teach "abstinence only", many fed-up voters then left the Republican Party. She notes even Barry Goldwater, who was pro-choice on abortion and supported allowing gays into the military, would be unacceptable as a Republican leader today. She believes that moderates can save this sinking political ship, yet I suspect the best moderates can offer is to go down with conservatives on a sinking ship which moderates may not even agree should be kept afloat.
Christine Todd Whitman took some commendable actions as Governor. She had the New Jersey police review their policies regarding racial profiling. Yet, as noted even in her own book: none of her other Republican Governors have followed her with a similar review. As Environmental Protection Agency Administrator, the reader truly believes that she was concerned about the environment. Yet, her book tells how Vice President Cheney's energy task force undermined her good intentions. Instead, the Bush Administration ignored her and acted on behalf of industries which desired fewer environmental controls. Mrs. Whitman should eventually come to this realization: you may have good intentions, but your fellow Republicans don't. Don't expect them to change to your views. Their views are set.
She's right. Too far right is not right at all. Alright!.......2006-03-21
Ms. Whitman is dead on correct.. The far right is killing our party. Yeah, there's been some big elections the past 8-10 years, but I'm becoming ashamed of many of our tactics. The best leaders of our party are John McCain, Rudy, etc., the folks who understand moderation. So many in our party, driven by the big dollar donations, haven't a shred of good common sense anymore.
An anti-conservative, not a moderate........2006-01-25
So many political books these days are little more than collections of essays which were simply too long to be individual columns. In one respect, then, Whitman's book is a fresh breeze: It's a single, simply-written written, clearly-stated argument. The opening chapter is largely a light thesis statement, with the subsequent chapters driving home each point in the argument.
The arguments are only as convincing as the reader's desire for them to be true. For instance, she argues that Bush's narrow victory margin was a sign of political failure. But why should we pay more attention to the victory margin (3% compared to Bill Clinton's 8%) than to his percentage (51% compared to Clinton's 48%)?
Likewise, she notes, without support that it's quite poor for a wartime president. Does war help a president win? Tell that to Bush, Sr. (Persian Gulf I), Johnson (Viet Nam), Truman (Korea), or Wilson (WWI). Even FDR faced his toughest election challenge in the middle of WWII. Where's the data for her argument?
Behind her argument of electoral pragmatism, what she is really making is a plea for an all-out war against social conservativism. She refers to "returning the Republican Party to its roots" which she identifies as strong defense, few regulations and fiscal discipline. But she doesn't so much make the case for these as winning issues as attack other issues. She certainly has not exemplified fiscal discipline or deregulation, and she attacks moderate-but-loyal Republicans like Schwartzenegger and Giuliani, making their convention appeals for strong defense seem like selling out.
No, this book is not what it purports to be, an argument for a big tent. Ms. Whitman wants the tent all to herself.
Book Description
This digital document is an article from OnEarth, published by Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc. on March 22, 2005. The length of the article is 974 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: It's My Party Too: The Battle for the Heart of the GOP and the Future of America.(BOOKSHELF)
Author: Eric Schaeffer
Publication:
OnEarth (Magazine/Journal)
Date: March 22, 2005
Publisher: Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc.
Volume: 27
Issue: 1
Page: 40(2)
Distributed by Thomson Gale
Book Description
In this timely book, the first comprehensive study of the modern American public intellectual--that individual who speaks to the public on issues of political or ideological moment--Richard Posner charts the decline of a venerable institution that included worthies from Socrates to John Dewey.
With the rapid growth of the media in recent years, highly visible forums for discussion have multiplied, while greater academic specialization has yielded a growing number of narrowly trained scholars. Posner tracks these two trends to their inevitable intersection: a proliferation of modern academics commenting on topics outside their ken. The resulting scene--one of off-the-cuff pronouncements, erroneous predictions, and ignorant policy proposals--compares poorly with the performance of earlier public intellectuals, largely nonacademics whose erudition and breadth of knowledge were well suited to public discourse.
Leveling a balanced attack on liberal and conservative pundits alike, Posner describes the styles and genres, constraints and incentives, of the activity of public intellectuals. He identifies a market for this activity--one with recognizable patterns and conventions but an absence of quality controls. And he offers modest proposals for improving the performance of this market--and the quality of public discussion in America today.
This paperback edition contains a new preface and and a new epilogue.
Customer Reviews:
It's Not the Economy, Stupid.......2005-09-28
Richard Posner is the chief judge of the United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit. He gained notoriety - aside from writing 30 plus books - as the court-appointed mediator in the Microsoft case. And if that weren't enough, he is the most frequently cited American legal scholar, making his own list (number 70) of the top 100 American public intellectuals. Henry Kissinger is number 1.
Posner claims to have taken the term "public intellectual" from Russell Jacoby's 1987 book "The Last Intellectuals." Jacoby's study was a jeremiad lamenting the disappearance of the urban, bohemian and independent intellectuals. Posner, on the other hand, has written a completely different kind of book.
Posner's fields of expertise are law and economics, and he has written several books on the economic analysis of law and justice. In this book, he attempts to do a market analysis of intellectual ideas, and finds that intellectuals are not held accountable to the laws of the market. He is dismayed at the fact that intellectuals are not held accountable for their mistakes. "Quality controls that one finds in other markets for goods and services" do not apply to public intellectuals. When constructing a supply and demand chart as it applies to intellectuals, he wonders why works of certain scholars who have been hopelessly wrong in their predictions - Francis Fukuyama, Lester Thurow, John Kenneth Galbraith,for example - continue to top the sales charts. Why, he asks, do people continue to read their books?
The answer that Posner provides for his own question is that people don't listen to intellectuals much anyway. And the people that do listen are believers already. Intellectuals are selling credence goods, they are preaching to the choir. Ultimately, because of this, intellectuals have very little influence on the issues of the day.
Notwithstanding the fact that his economic model does not explain intellectual debate, Posner goes on to criticize a wide range of intellectuals in various fields in which he has no expertise. Posner is obviously brilliant, but he can also be exasperating and contradictory. He criticizes public intellectuals, who are experts in their fields, for debating issues in the public domain which they know very little about. His critcisms suffer from the same shallowness that he attributes to others. Many of the reviewers of this book thought it was a satire. You have to ask yourself, what was he thinking?
His main criterion for making the list of the top 100 public intellectuals was the number of media citations received, in other words, the popularity of the work as opposed to its quality. This is exactly the kind of commercialism and careerism that Jacoby was warning against. This book is a good illustration of why Posner's economic and statistical models of intellectual "goods and sevices" are misguided. When intellectuals enter public debate to express their ideas they are entering uncharted territory, there are no experts of the unknown. Ideas are part of an ongoing debate, they are not something to be purchased and consumed.
Posner has expressed himself poorly in this work, but undoubtedly his books will continue to be read because he continues to contribute to and enliven contemporary debates.
A definite study in decline.......2005-01-22
I found this book sophomorically disorganized, rambling and the author's obvious lack of concern for the reader presumptuous if not insulting. He pretentiously ambles from one discussion to the next, most having little if any relation to the purported topic and almost all of it useless in a more general sense. I would say the title is an apt description and the author thoroughly convinces his reader though probably not in the intended way.
A decent book. Not Posner's best........2002-11-20
In Public Intellectuals, Judge Richard Posner sets out to understand why academics, philosophers, and commentators in the American media have so little influence over public opinion. Posner finds that most debate is very good at mobilizing those who already agree with you, but has little impact on others. No public intellectual every really changes anyone's mind.
Posner gives several reasons for this decline. 1) Public intellectuals are now more than ever college academics. Their professional jargon and personal lives keep them out of touch with day to day affairs in America. 2) Public intellectuals make bold predictions that are almost always wrong. We were supposed to be poor and starving by 1975, according to some environmentalist intellectuals. We are still here, rich and full, but they won't admit they were wrong. 3) Public intellectuals usually get that title by publishing outside their sphere of expertise. Noam Chomsky, for example, is a linguist, but the media seek out his opinion in the area of foreign policy. Intellectuals are out of their league, and often don't understand even the most basic facts. 4) Intellectuals seek moral status, with very clear lines between right and wrong. Real life is not so clear, so the intellectual is not very helpful for the average person, or the average politician. Posner went to great lengths in another of his books, The Problematics of Moral and Legal Theory, to address this last point in depth.
Overall, historians and sociologists interested in studying academics and commentators will find this book useful and enlightening. Average folk will find it long winded and rather boring. After all, we already know that commentators and media personalities are clueless windbags, right?
I think this is the biggest weakness of the book. Posner looks at the marketplace for ideas from the perspective of the producer: the media and the intellectuals. If he were serious about trying to understand the decline of intellectuals, he would have spent as much time looking at consumers of ideas. Mostly, he looks only at other intellectuals as consumers, perhaps because they're the only ones buying. As a major figure in economic analysis, I thought it appalling that Posner did not spend more time on day to day consumption of these ideas.
As mentioned briefly above, Posner takes a lot of time in this book rehashing themes from his other books. He looks at morality and public policy, the Clinton impeachment, and many other subjects on which he has written quite extensively. It is nice that his ideas all fit into a unified framework such as this, but that doesn't mean I wanted to hear about these other subjects at length.
What does it mean that a public intellectual like Posner would write a book criticizing public intellectuals? Could it be that his ideas are not getting the acclaim that he thinks they deserve?
like public intellectuals, my attention span also declined.......2002-10-14
The prolific and erudite Judge Posner turns out books at such an astoundingly rapid rate that you'd swear the man has two brains. He is, without a doubt, one of the most notable scholarly writers of our time. It is too bad, then, that this initially appealing book, "Public Intellectuals," falls short of what I expected.
I first learned of this book during an interview with the author on C-SPAN's "Booknotes" with Brian Lamb. As the dust jacket correctly boasts, this volume "is the first systematic analysis of the contemporary American public intellectual." In Part One of the book, Posner's critical chronicle of how today's public intellectual is most often out of his/her league is right on the money. Modern public intellectuals are almost exclusively academics, members of an ever more specialized university culture. Because of this solid trend, the typical public intellectual has very little "expert" knowledge outside of his/her esoteric area of study, lending him/her little if any credentials to comment on the general subject(s) he/she so "authoritatively" tackles in the public media. Posner's arsenal of examples, evidence, names, citations, and footnotes (he is a legal writer, of course) makes his case clear and well-defended.
However agreeable his basic thesis is, though, it is his market approach to characterizing the problem that seems rather incongruent and almost far-fetched. In his effort to quantify the problem of the worsening American public intellectual, Posner draws heavily on economic principles to explain why public intellectuals today are no good--in terms of "market failure." He demonstrates this model in Chapter Five with a veritable data section, full of charts and graphs. Though there is no better way to fortify one's thesis than with scientific evidence, the model Posner chooses just doesn't seem convincing. Public intellectuals do not really participate in a consumer culture, if you think about it. So long as there is (and always has been) public media outlets, intellectuals (genuine and self-proclaimed) will write, comment, prognosticate, and critique.
Part Two of the book consists of five "genre studies" of areas where modern public intellectuals most often tread. Here, Posner takes a detailed look at key intellectual players and painstakingly criticizes and discredits each of them with what can only be described as an off-putting and perfectionist air--except for MIT's Noam Chomsky, who deserves it. From George Orwell to Chicago's Martha Nussbaum, Allan Bloom (whom he "outs") to NYU's Ronald Dworkin (his personal sparring partner), Richard Rorty to Gertrude Himmelfarb, Posner deals each writer a summary list of their shortcomings--and then thanks many of them in the Acknowledgments! Within these 150 pages, the reader is left with little to suggest that any of the prominent public intellectuals of our time retain even one shred of competence.
The Conclusion, the most potentially redemptive (but shortest) section of the book, mollifies some of the blows inflicted by Posner in Part Two. However, the remedies suggested by Posner on how to improve today's public intellectual "market" are so soft, implausible, and ineffective even if implemented, that he might as well just say that restoring integrity to the public intellectual is a hopeless endeavor. The reader can only conclude that Posner's book, enlightening though it is in recognizing and attempting to explain the problem of the declining quality of public intellectuals, falls short of fulfilling its promises in the end.
Scrutiny of Media-Centered Public Deliberation.......2002-05-29
This is a marvelous meta-book. Posner studies in detail the personalities and the arguments that receive prominence in public debate. The result is the solid documentation of a paradox: The public intellectuals that dominate the media are not particularly good. In a deliberative democracy, this should be of profound concern. Posner's thesis, in addition to being painstakingly proven, is not only disturbing, but also undermines our confidence in the quality of public discourse and, consequently, in the quality of this society's democratic decision-making. Like every one of Posner's books, this too is profound, thought-provoking, and unsettling.
One cannot resist thinking about the thesis further. In a way, the idea of inadequacy of public debate is trite. Distinguishing a high-quality deliberative democracy from a debasing kowtowing to crowd impulses and manipulation is difficult. The difficulty has been recognized since Socrates and Pericles; the history of Classical Greece seems a perfect case study of the issues involved. Is Posner losing confidence in democracy? Is this book a justification for undemocratic features of our governmental structure? One cannot help but be reminded of the unelected federal judiciary-of which Posner is a leading member-and the extraordinary secrecy in which the judiciary operates. If public deliberation is defective, a secretive undemocratic deliberative body like the federal judiciary is a highly desirable component in an otherwise very public and democratic structure of government. A constitutional structure that denudes this high-capacity body from material power-from budgeting and military authority-prevents its dominance and preserves democratic balance. Thus, disquieting as this book may be, my confidence the judiciary makes me find it agreeable. The question that follows is how confident we should be in the decision-making of the federal judiciary. The Supreme Court has severely reduced the role of federal courts. The confirmation process shows no signs of favoring profundity and scholarship over political preferences. When Posner shows the inadequacy of public intellectuals, it would be comforting to be able to rest assured that an army of secretive Posners will continue to populate the courts. Unfortunately, no such indication exists.
Posner also makes the very true observation that contemporary public intellectuals lack a quality monitor. He emphasizes that as fields become increasingly specialized, the lay audience becomes less able to determine the quality and accuracy of the speech of public intellectuals. As a law professor, I should reply that a significant fraction of legal scholarship consists of sieving through other scholarship and presenting the conclusions of a deliberated evaluation of a large body of scholarship.
Although I deeply admire Posner and his work, I must add that he is not immune from errors that he points out in others. The Lewinsky issue rears its ugly head: "By forcing these attitudes [of different private views about sex] into articulate competition, Clinton precipitated a rancorous Kulturkampf." (p. 109) The obvious transgression here is the attribution of causation. When private attitudes are in conflict but hidden, how does one more hidden act-rather than the revelation of the hidden act by those who are politically motivated-"precipitate a war of cultures"?
In sum, this is a much more important book than it lets on. Perhaps unwittingly, it touches the foundational premises of democratic society. The quality of public debate is central to the quality of democratic governance and to the success of our political system. Yet, in this book, a component of political debate that some might have thought was important, is proven to be mostly driven by sensationalism and its entertainment value.
PUBLIC INTELLECTUALS, despite trivial displays of political susceptibility (as the above Lewinski example) should be acceptable to any non-extreme political ideology. It joins other books of Posner that belong to the same group. These books are accessible social science at its best, and this book may not only be one of the leading candidates but also the one that opens the gate for one of the largest and most important research programs, one about the detailed study of the social foundations of democracy. To the extent voluminous scholarship is based on the assumption that public discourse is of high quality, it is roundly debunked.
Average customer rating:
|
Public Intellectuals: A Study of Decline.(Book Review): An article from: Constitutional Commentary
Stephen B. Presser
Manufacturer: Constitutional Commentary, Inc.
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Digital
 Nonfiction
| Subjects
| Books
| Audiobooks
| Automotive
| Books on CD
| Books on Cassette
| Crime & Criminals
| Current Events
| Economics
| Education
| Foreign Language Nonfiction
| Government
| Holidays
| Law
| Philosophy
| Politics
| Social Sciences
| Transportation
| True Accounts
| Urban Planning & Development
| Women's Studies
General
| Nonfiction
| HTML
| Formats
| e-Docs
| Formats
| Books
ASIN: B0008DWKIE
Release Date: 2005-07-31 |
Book Description
This digital document is an article from Constitutional Commentary, published by Constitutional Commentary, Inc. on June 22, 2002. The length of the article is 1864 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: Public Intellectuals: A Study of Decline.(Book Review)
Author: Stephen B. Presser
Publication:
Constitutional Commentary (Refereed)
Date: June 22, 2002
Publisher: Constitutional Commentary, Inc.
Volume: 19
Issue: 2
Page: 517(5)
Article Type: Book Review
Distributed by Thomson Gale
Average customer rating:
|
Thinking Out Loud and Louder. (Books).(Richard A. Posner, 'Public Intellectuals: A Study of Decline') (book review): An article from: Policy Review
Jon Jewett
Manufacturer: Hoover Institution Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Digital
History
| Subjects
| Books
| Africa
| Americas
| Ancient
| Arctic & Antarctica
| Asia
| Audiobooks
| Australia & Oceania
| Books on CD
| Books on Cassette
| Europe
| Gay & Lesbian
| Historical Study
| Large Print
| Middle East
| Military
| Military Science
| Russia
| United States
| World
General
| Politics
| Nonfiction
| Subjects
| Books
Political Science
| Nonfiction
| Subjects
| e-Docs
| Formats
| Books
General
| History
| Subjects
| e-Docs
| Formats
| Books
General
| History
| HTML
| Formats
| e-Docs
| Formats
| Books
General
| Nonfiction
| HTML
| Formats
| e-Docs
| Formats
| Books
Political Science
| Nonfiction
| HTML
| Formats
| e-Docs
| Formats
| Books
ASIN: B0008F52F0
Release Date: 2005-07-30 |
Book Description
This digital document is an article from Policy Review, published by Hoover Institution Press on April 1, 2002. The length of the article is 4490 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: Thinking Out Loud and Louder. (Books).(Richard A. Posner, 'Public Intellectuals: A Study of Decline') (book review)
Author: Jon Jewett
Publication:
Policy Review (Refereed)
Date: April 1, 2002
Publisher: Hoover Institution Press
Page: 81(10)
Article Type: Book Review
Distributed by Thomson Gale
Book Description
For the first time, the most important quotations of the great conservationist Aldo Leopold, author of A Sand County Almanac, are gathered in one volume. From conservation education to wildlife ecology, from wilderness protection to soil and water conservation, the writings of Aldo Leopold continue to have profound influence on those seeking to understand the earth and its care. Leopold biographer Curt Meine and noted conservation biologist Richard Knight have assembled this comprehensive collection of quotations from Leopold’s extensive and diverse writings, selected and organized to capture the richness and depth of the North American conservation movement.
Prominent biologists, conservationists, historians, and philosophers provide introductory commentaries describing Leopold’s contributions in varied fields and reflecting upon the significance of his work today.
Customer Reviews:
unique and clear-headed thinking.......2001-01-01
In The Conference Board's magazine, "Across the Board," in a Nov/Dec 2000 article on the best business books read over the past year, I wrote:
"Over the past couple of years, I must have read 10 to 20 management books every month. Unfortunately, before long, many of these titles start reading the same, hoping to capitalize on the management trend of the moment. But every once in a while a book comes along that includes unique and clear-headed thinking and writing. When I was working on an article about environmental ethics in business, I came across a new collection of the writings of Aldo Leopold, the legendary conservationist of the 1930s and 1940s perhaps best known for A Sand County Almanac. Edited by Curt Meine and Richard L. Knight, The Essential Aldo Leopold: Quotations and Commentaries is not, strictly speaking, a business book, but contained here in many previously unpublished observations are the thoughts and ideas of a natural (in all senses of the word) manager. Leopold was a rare combination of someone who saw the need for conserving nature, but who also understood and encouraged experiencing the beauty and functionality of the outdoors." --Across the Board, Nov/Dec 2000
One of my favorite quotes of Leopold's from this collection:
"Relegating conservation to government is like relegating virtue to the Sabbath. Turns over to professionals what should be daily work of amateurs."
A "must" read for Aldo Leopold fans and conservationists........2000-03-05
Aldo Leopold was the author of "A Sand County Almanac" and one of the most influential conservationists of his day. In The Essential Aldo Leopold, Curt Meine and Richard Knight have collaborated to assembled a comprehensive collections of quotations from Leopold's extensive and diverse writings. These gems of wisdom, insight, and encouragement are organized in twenty-one chapters under the broad themes of conservation science and practice, conservation policy, conservation and culture. Each chapter begins with an introductory essay by a prominent conservation scholar to provide the reader with perspective on Leopold's numerous and varied contributions. The Essential Aldo Leopold is an essential, core title for any personal, academic, and professional environmental and conservation studies collection, and highly recommended reading for all Aldo Leopold admirers within the modern conservation movement.
Book Description
This digital document is an article from The Geographical Journal, published by Royal Geographical Society on September 1, 2001. The length of the article is 878 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: The essential aldo leopold. Quotations and commentaries. (Reviews).
Author: Kimberley E. Medley
Publication:
The Geographical Journal (Refereed)
Date: September 1, 2001
Publisher: Royal Geographical Society
Volume: 167
Issue: 3
Page: 278(2)
Article Type: Book Review
Distributed by Thomson Gale
Books:
- Joan of Arc: Her Story
- Lame Deer, Seeker of Visions (Enriched Classics)
- Left for Dead: My Journey Home from Everest
- Letters from Burma
- Life Interrupted: The Unfinished Monologue
- Like a Lampshade in a Whorehouse
- Lives on the Boundary: A Moving Account of the Struggles and Achievements of America's Educationally Underprepared
- Madame Dread: A Tale of Love, Vodou and Civil Strife in Haiti
- Memoirs of My Nervous Illness (New York Review Books Classics)
- Mi Pais Inventado: Un Paseo Nostalgico por Chile
Books Index
Books Home
Recommended Books
- Diver Down
- Catspaw
- You Shall Know Our Velocity
- Act of Mercy
- Aftermath: World Trade Center Archive
- Archipelago: Portraits of Life in the World's Most Remote Island Sanctuary
- Becoming Laura Ingalls Wilder: The Woman Behind the Legend
- North American Indian Art: It¿s a Question of Integrity
- Wildflowers Grasses and Other Plants of the Northern Plains and Black Hills
- Marine Pelagic Cyanobacteria: Trichodesmium and other Diazotrophs
The State of the Parties: The Changing Role of Contemporary American Parties (People, Passions, and Power)
Death by a Thousand Cuts: The Fight over Taxing Inherited Wealth
It Takes a Candidate: Why Women Don't Run for Office
Positively American: Winning Back the Middle-Class Majority One Family at a Time
Faith and Politics: How the "Moral Values" Debate Divides America and How to Move Forward Together
