A Widow's Walk: A Memoir of 9/11

Book Description

On September 11, I dropped my son off at his second full day of kindergarten. The sky was so blue it looked as if it had been ironed. I crossed the street, ordered coffee, and sat to wait for my husband to meet me. It was our eighth wedding anniversary and Dave and I were about to begin a new chapter in our seventeen years together. Sipping coffee, I watched as a line of thick black smoke crept across the sky from Manhattan, oblivious to the fact that my life was about to change forever. On September 11, 2001, Marian Fontana lost her husband, Dave, a firefighter from the elite Squad 1 in Brooklyn, in the World Trade Center attack. A Widow's Walk begins that fateful morning, when Marian, a playwright and comedienne, became a widow, a single mother, and an unlikely activist.

Two weeks after 9/11, the city attempted to close Squad 1, which had suffered the loss of twelve men. Known for her feisty spirit and passionate loyalty, Marian, who was still reeling from her profound loss, began to mobilize the neighborhood to keep the firehouse open. From this unlikely platform the 9/11 Widows and Victims' Families Association grew. Over the next twelve months, Marian struggled with the tragedy's endless ripple effects, from the minute and deeply personal -- she wonders who will play Star Wars with her son, Aidan, and carry him on his shoulders -- to the political. She works to get families and widows necessary information about the recovery effort and attends private meetings with Governor Pataki, Mayor Giuliani, Senator Clinton, and Mayor Bloomberg.

Through it all, Marian's irrepressible humor is her best armor and evidence of her buoyant strength. Written with great heart and humanity, A Widow's Walk is a timely opportunity for remembrance and a timeless testament to love's loss and the resilience of the human spirit.

Customer Reviews:

Absolutely heart wrenching.......2007-08-09

the first half or three quarters of the book kept me absolutely riveted and hurting with feeling so close to the families and what they suffered through as well as how very brave their firefighter family members were. But about three quarters through, I found myself scanning as there was really more information and details than I really needed or wanted to know. I wish the very best for Marian and Aidan and hope they find happiness. She is one brave lady.

Beautifully Written .......2007-08-02

This is an exquisitely written book that I still remember - nearly a year later - as one of the best books I've ever read. The book was heart-rending at times to read, as the author so well expresses her feelings and the pain of losing her husband. It would be nearly impossible to read this book and not feel the depth of her loss - of her husband and the life they lived until 9/11.

Marian Fontana is a gifted, talented writer and I wish her story was one with a happy ending for her. While her story is one of loss, it is also one of love, family, friendship and survival. The cover photo haunts me, so well does it depict the love the Fontanas shared. Highly recommended and memorable.

Touching, but without self-pity.......2007-02-03

I bought this book after having heard the author on "This American Life." I was touched by her humor and grace during the radio piece, and was pleasantly surprised by how well-written and un-put-downable this book is. Check out the radio story before you decide to buy the book, if you like; the book doesn't tell the George W. story, so there's no spoiler there.

Well- Written Reflections.......2006-11-25

I was very impressed with marian Fontana's story because there was a sense of time from the horrors of 9/11/01 which couldn't be immediately written. Each page flowed with eloquent writing that gave me a clearer understanding of the lives of firefighters and their families. The overwhelming support the she and her son received from their extended families, community, and other firefighters showed the true meaning of Dave's legacy.

A Must Read! Heartfelt, a Page Turner!.......2006-09-17

A Widow's Walk is one the best books I have read in a long time. You grieve for Dave Fontana, his wife and son. She is a skillfull, descriptive writer and sheds light on the undertones and politics of 9/11 that many of us have been too quick to forget. Her story is both a love story and a tragedy, her writing is comparable of Jodi Picoult. After you read this novel you will remember to hug your loved ones a little tighter...thank you, Dave, Marian and Aidan for sharing your lives with us. We can not thank Dave and all of the rescue workers of 9/11 with words, words can not begin to express our gratitude for their sacrifices.

Book Description

John F. Kennedy's presidency has been well examined, but a frequently overlooked yet crucial component of it was his leadership of the United States armed forces. His relationship with the military was forged by personal combat experience and the many lessons learned during his presidential administration. A staunch supporter of the lower ranks, President Kennedy quickly became disillusioned with the upper echelon of the military, preferring ultimately to rely on his own wisdom and that of a close circle of trusted advisers. As a result, it can be argued that John F. Kennedy was more involved in his role as commander in chief than any other president of modern vintage. His was a unique challenge. The world was changing; military actions were no longer large-scale troop movements but small localized and diplomatic crises with frequent guerrilla activity.

President Kennedy, typically, quickly immersed himself in his role. Almost immediately following his election he was confronted with the formidable challenge of the Bay of Pigs. Relying on the advice of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Kennedy was humiliated by the results of that action, and yet he accepted complete responsibility for it. It was a mistake that would not be repeated. Thereafter, Kennedy questioned everything and came to his own decisions. He began to involve himself in details of the services, reviewing his "new" army, navy, and air force, even spending time thinking about what the individual
soldier was wearing and carrying.

In John F. Kennedy: Commander in Chief, Pierre Salinger, press secretary and confidant to the president, provides an insightful view of this side of John F. Kennedy. He shares his unique understanding of all the major events of the Kennedy administration that had a military component. He draws a fascinating and clear depiction of the Kennedy learning curve--illuminating the brilliance of the man. Kennedy learned his lessons quickly. One can only speculate what may have resulted had Kennedy lived and been elected to a second term, especially when one reads Kennedy's commencement address speech at American University included in this volume. This speech, considered by many to be his finest, is remarkable in showing the maturity that President Kennedy had attained. Today it is easy to see the beginning of a new statesmanship in his speech, a new global consciousness, a larger and longer view for peace. Pierre Salinger, tantalizingly and profoundly, traces the maturation of Kennedy in his role as commander in chief and brings us to wonder what might have been.

Customer Reviews:

Very good book from JFK's former #1 press secretary.......2005-12-21

(Andy Hatcher, #2; Malcolm Kilduff, #3)
I recommend this book from Pierre Salinger. It has some very nice pictures and a good text. I especially like the perspective it gives on John F. Kennedy as the leader of the Nation's military might. Of particular note: Salinger states that, in his three years serving President Kennedy [he had also served JFK when Kennedy was a Senator], he may have missed just "two or three trips"...one of them was the ill-fated Texas trip.
[...]

One of the best books on the Kennedy presidency.......2000-07-18

This book was the first one to explore Kennedy's role as Commander-In-Chief of the armed forces. It also described how foreign events such as the Bay of Pigs invasion, the Cuban Missile Crisis, and the conflict in Vietnam were viewed by the Kremlin and the Pentagon. The book also talks about Kennedy's frequent disagreements with the Joint Chiefs of Staff on military issues and how these problems were handled and resolved. I think that this book is very interesting and worth reading.

Refreshing to read something of JFK other than personal life.......1999-10-16

Being so close to Pres. Kennedy, Pierre Salinger is well qualified to share his knowledge and experiences during his tenure as Press Secretary. I also found the photos very interesting and inviting; I enjoyed reading this book very much; enlightening to learn of JFK's harrowing experiences during WW2 and the suffering he experienced during that time. He certainly was a hero in the true sense of the word. It's sad that these years of his life were not more highlighted, rather than focusing on all his personal escapades. He truly, in my opinion, was a great President; it's tragic he wasn't with us longer. Thank you, Pierre, for a great job!

Book Description

Fifteen years ago, revelations about the political misdeeds of Martin Heidegger and Paul de Man sent shock waves throughout European and North American intellectual circles. Ever since, postmodernism has been haunted by the specter of a compromised past. In this intellectual genealogy of the postmodern spirit, Richard Wolin shows that postmodernism's infatuation with fascism has been widespread and not incidental. He calls into question postmodernism's claim to have inherited the mantle of the left--and suggests that postmodern thought has long been smitten with the opposite end of the political spectrum.

In probing chapters on C. G. Jung, Hans-Georg Gadamer, Georges Bataille, and Maurice Blanchot, Wolin discovers an unsettling commonality: during the 1930s, these thinkers leaned to the right and were tainted by a proverbial "fascination with fascism." Frustrated by democracy's shortcomings, they were seduced by fascism's grandiose promises of political regeneration. The dictatorships in Italy and Germany promised redemption from the uncertainties of political liberalism. But, from the beginning, there could be no doubting their brutal methods of racism, violence, and imperial conquest.

Postmodernism's origins among the profascist literati of the 1930s reveal a dark political patrimony. The unspoken affinities between Counter-Enlightenment and postmodernism constitute the guiding thread of Wolin's suggestive narrative. In their mutual hostility toward reason and democracy, postmodernists and the advocates of Counter-Enlightenment betray a telltale strategic alliance--they cohabit the fraught terrain where far left and far right intersect.

Those who take Wolin's conclusions to heart will never view the history of modern thought in quite the same way.

Customer Reviews:

Long live the death of postmodernism.......2007-04-22

Wolin presents a clear view of the political impliations of postmodernism's program.

Eye-opening study of some major thinkers of the 19th and 20th centuries.......2007-03-23

Wolin's masterly monograph "The Seduction of Unreason" constitutes a major contribution to contemporary intellectual history. Wolin's study dissects various political implications and current repercussions of the ideas and modes of thinking of Joseph de Maistre, Johann Gottfried Herder, Arthur de Gobineau, Friedrich Nietzsche, Oswald Spengler, Carl Schmitt, Carl Gustav Jung, Martin Heidegger, Hans-Georg Gadamer, Georges Bataille, Maurice Blanchot, Jaques Derrida, Michel Foucault, and Jean Baudrillard. In two "political excursuses," he indicates how the ideas of these and other - partly, highly respected - thinkers who, in one way or another attacked some basic Western values like rationalism and human rights, have via the "Conservative Revolution," and German and French so-called "New Right" gained influence on extremely right-wing parties as well as on mainstream politics. Wolin's usage of the term "fascism" in the book's title, to be sure, could be seen as misleading in so far as only some of the protagonists of his fascinating story were full-blown fascists. Still, his study is a valuable addition not only to the history of ideas, but also to comparative fascist studies in that it presents many illuminating cases illustrating why and how ideas have consequences, in general, and in which way anti-rational and anti-democratic thought can be utilized by fascist movements to justify dictatorship, ethnic cleansing and violence, in particular. The book is thus a valuable addition not only within the fields of cultural studies and history of science, but could also be of use in seminars on extremist politics. It forcefully debunks the idea that the ideational sources of ultra-nationalism and fundamentalism in both the inter- and post-war Europe are solely to be found among marginal scholars and publicists. Wolin's study is eye-opening in that illustrates how some major trends in 20th century mainstream humanities have played the role of, and are, partly, still functioning as, catalysts for the spread and acceptance of radically ascriptive views of human beings, and extremely right-wing ideologies.

A Useful Cautionary Reading.......2006-07-25

Wolin is at his best when he is critiquing narrative. His review of the postmodernist mishmash is especially good, as he identifies the trick favored by pseudointellectuals of responding to logical deficiencies by coining another term--preferably, in French. Even when Derrida was arrested in Soviet-era Czechoslovakia and thus caught in the grasp of real repression, so inadequate was his own philosophical basis that he had to invent a new term to deal with his inability to explain it.

Wolin doesn't do this, and it's to his credit. He's pretty good, too, at tracing the philosophical antecedents of various thinkers, such as Bataille and other fascist fellow-traveler predecessors of the postmods. What he does less convincingly is demonstrate the necessary consequence of tyranny--and, specifically, fascism--from within a given thinker's own systematized logic.

Specifically, I'm as yet unpersuaded that Wolin has shown that fascism is the inevitable and specific outcome of Heidegger's version of existential phenomenology. That fascism--or something like it--was most congenial to Herr Heidegger's personality, may very well be true...but that is ultimately and centrally not Wolin's concern. His book, after all, is about the *intellectual* rather than merely temperamental affinity for tyranny.

I'm reading another of Wolin's books, and may read yet others in the future. Wolin has useful and occasionally illuminating analysis...but I have the feeling, as yet only tentative, that he may have a large enough ax to grind that his conclusions do not always follow from his evidence. In this volume, at least, I remain unpersuaded that any of the thinkers named by him must necessarily have a "romance" with fascism, based upon their stated ideas.

Gossip columnist for philosophy.......2006-06-19

Strictly speaking Richard Wolin is not really a philosopher, he is a historian. This partly explains the way he places selective emphasis on key philosophical points from a historical point of view rather than a philosophical one. Simply bringing up a group of philosophers that do not conform to your views and then blaming them for the ills of society is an exercise that quickly becomes boring for the reader. When one reads philosophy one should be inspired by the words that fill the pages. It should represent the writers creative ability to invite the reader to a different way of doing philosophy. Richard Wolin's task seems merely to discredit his opponent and, as such, does not really contribute much to the key questions philosphy has grappled with since the ancient Greeks to today. His manner of scholarship shuts the subjects of his book out of philosophical dialogue rather than draw them in to expand on his ideas, or lack thereof. As an example, to say that Gadamer prefers surrendering to authority instead of trusting in Reason is a gross misunderstanding of his intentions and shows a lack of reading of his texts and work as a whole. This is because Wolin makes no attempt to pick up on the themes of these philosphers and run with them in order to come up with a new philosophical perspective pf his own. In this respect, the book feels dated, it is an anti-anti-reaction to a philosophical fad that never was and, correspondingly, turns philosophy into a mere culture war with opposed sides, both of whom think the other has something to hide. Philosophy should be more enlightening than this. Also, Deleuze is a thinker that I think Wolin has simply lumped in there with all the others for no apparent reason. Read his later work and you will find he was quite fond of American literature, especially Whitman and Melville. His philosophy drove him there. In any case, do not fear these German/French philosophers because of writers like Wolin. Read their work, discuss and revitalise their ideas. You might find that it is not as simple as you first thought, and that neither perspective has authority over the domain of philosophy. If one wants to read a philosopher with similar but better argued ideas, they could do worse than Habermas.

Absolutely Entrancing.......2005-05-23

The Irish Times

November 6, 2004 Weekend; Book Reviews; Pg. 13

Absolutely entrancing

John Banville

Political philosophy: An attack on European right-wing and 'left fascist' thinkers and their American followers is a kind of philosophical Nuremberg trials.

In Thomas Mann's novel Doctor Faustus there is a character called Breisacher, a Jew, whom Mann describes as a private scholar and polyhistor and "a racial and intellectual type in high, one might almost say reckless development". Although Nietzsche's name is not mentioned - the life and personality of the novel's protagonist, the composer Adrian Leverkuhn, are in large part based on those of the philosopher - Breisacher is the quintessential Nietzschean. His specialty is the philosophy of culture, "but his views were anti-cultural, in so far as he gave out to see in the whole history of culture nothing but a process of decline". He sets J.S. Bach as the central figure in the "progressivist barbarism" that caused the deterioration of music from "the great and only true art of counterpoint" into the "effeminizing and falsification" of the "harmonic romanticism of modulation", a process in which even Palestrina had already played a "shameful part".

When he turns to the Bible and the history of his own race, Breisacher is even more extreme, seeing King David and his successor Solomon - "an aesthete unnerved by erotic excesses" - and "the prophets drivelling about dear God in heaven" as "the already debased representatives of an exploded late theology, which no longer had any idea of the old and genuine Hebraic actuality of Jahve, the Elohim of the people".

For Breisacher, the history of the modern world, and by "modern" he means the period from the pre-Socratics onward, is the history of an inevitable degeneration from the true and authentic primitive into weakness, softness and falsity.

Breisacher is a member of the circle surrounding the creepy Sextus Kridwiss, a collector of primitive art; other savants attending the Kridwiss evenings are Dr Egon Unruhe, a "philosophic palaeozoologist" who works on verifying the essential truths of the ancient Germanic sagas, in which "a sophisticated humanity had long since ceased to believe"; Professor Georg Vogler, a literary historian who has written a much-admired history of German literature from the point of view of racial origins; and the poet Daniel zur Hohe - Mann is always wickedly witty in the matter of names - a high-strung young man whose "dreams dealt with a world subjected by sanguinary campaigns to the pure spirit" and whose only published poetic work, The Proclamations, ends with the line: "Soldiers! I deliver to you to plunder - the World!"

Mann knew his proto-fascists from the inside, having been one himself, as he showed in his anti-democratic, anti-modern Meditations of an Unpolitical Man (1918).

When the phenomenon of Hitler and Nazism demonstrated to him in no uncertain terms how wrong-headed he had been, and how, as Richard Wolin puts it, "the flip side of apoliticism is a potentially lethal dearth of Zivilcourage", he abandoned his homeland for democratic America and dedicated himself to the anti-Nazi cause. The Hohes, the Voglers, the Unruhes, even, to their great cost, some of the Breisachers, remained behind to support the new regime, mostly, as did the real-life philosopher Hans-Georg Gadamer, by keeping silent and going into "inner emigration", but in some cases, such as that of Heidegger, by a total and extremely noisy identification with the Volk, the Reich, and the Fuhrer.

This trahison des clercs on the part of a considerable number of European philosophers, scholars and academics did not end with the defeat of Nazism, according to Wolin, whose book, the subtitle of which is "The Intellectual Romance with Fascism from Nietzsche to Postmodernism", is a vigorous, full-frontal attack on European right-wing and "left fascist" thinkers and theorists and their contemporary followers in American intellectual life, among the latter of whom The Seduction of Unreason has already raised many a hackle.

For its literary and philosophical sympathisers - he lists W.B. Yeats in their number - fascism, Wolin writes, "reintroduces an aesthetic politics" and "allows for the reprise of an ecstatic politics amid the forlorn and disenchanted landscape of political modernity". The European counter-revolutionaries, such as Joseph de Maistre and Arthur de Gobineau

knew what they wanted as a replacement for liberal democracy: the "contrary of revolutions", the restoration of the old regime. Their German heirs - Nietzsche, Spengler, Carl Schmitt, and Heidegger - disillusioned denizens of modern society, knew that one could no longer turn back the clock. Instead, they decided to seize the bull by the horns. They embraced industrial society but only under the proviso that it be governed by a totalitarian dictatorship. Dictatorship was the most efficacious means with which to vanquish the debilities of political liberalism and reestablish the sublimity of "Great Politics" (Nietzsche).

Wolin sees this drive towards dictatorship and the aestheticisation of politics as a process that continues to this day, not only in the demagoguery of the likes of Jean-Marie Le Pen and Jorg Haider, but in the writings of such latter-day thinkers as Michel Foucault and Jacques Derrida. Indeed, The Seduction of Unreason may be taken overall as a tocsin sounded to rally the forces of reaction against European anti-democratic cultural theory in general, and postmodernism in particular. The latter is Wolin's bete noir; he considers it not a philosophical movement at all but a form of frivolous despair encompassing a broad assault on the "epistemological and historiographical presuppositions of modernity: objective truth and historical progress". He cites Jean Baudrillard's definition of the postmodern universe as one in which "there are no definitions possible . . . It has all been done . . . It has destroyed itself. It has deconstructed its entire universe. So all that are left are the pieces. Playing with the pieces - that is postmodern". The postmodernists and their shock-troops the deconstructionists, Wolin writes, "seek refuge in myth, magic, madness, illusion, or intoxication - all seem preferable to what 'civilization' has to offer". They are the direct heirs of Mann's Kridwiss circle who "could scarcely contain their mirth at the desperate campaign waged by reason and criticism against wholly untouchable, wholly invulnerable belief" - irrational belief, that is.

Wolin insists that the postmodernists are now in retreat. What he sees as "the current disaffection with postmodernism" is, he writes,

in no small measure attributable to recent political circumstances. Humanism's return spells postmodernism's demise. Totalitarianism was the twentieth century's defining political experience. Its aftermath has left us with a new categorical imperative: no more Auschwitzes or Gulags. We now know that an ineffaceable difference separates democratic and totalitarian regimes. Despite their manifest empirical failings, democratic polities possess a capacity for internal political change that totalitarian societies do not. A discourse such as postmodernism that celebrates the virtues of cultural relativism and that remains ambivalent, at best, vis-a-vis democratic norms is inadequate to the moral and political demands of the contemporary hour.

To some, perhaps many, readers this will sound suspiciously like a whistle in the dark. Curiously, too, in its rhetorical vigour the passage and others like it echo the pronouncements of the so-called "neo-cons" now running the show in the White House and the Pentagon. Wolin, a tough, old-style liberal democrat, would no doubt be appalled at such a comparison, but then, in a phrase he is fond of using, often in the nexus of politics, philosophy and literature "les extremes se touchent".

The Seduction of Unreason is a kind of philosophical Nuremberg Trials. Wolin puts in the dock not only the obvious miscreants such as Heidegger and Nietzsche -"was it really so far-fetched that such a thinker would become the Nazis' court philosopher?" - but other, less obvious fascist fellow-travellers. He is particularly acute in the cases of Jung - "There are more polite ways of putting it, but Jung was a fraud" - and Gadamer. The latter was a pillar of post-war German philosophy, but Wolin is relentless in following him into his lair to root out the weasel words by which, according to Wolin, he accommodated himself to Hitler's regime; Gadamer in his counter-Enlightenment worldview, Wolin writes, holds that "since human insight is intrinsically untrustworthy, the best course is to limit its use as much as possible. Should a confrontation between authority and reason arise, it is always safer to err on the side of authority".

In a brilliant chapter, 'Maurice Blanchot: The Use and Abuse of Silence', Wolin tackles one of the shadowiest yet also one of the most influential French intellectuals of the 20th century. There is no doubt that Blanchot is a very great thinker in the realm of aesthetics, and a strong influence in the work of Barthes, Foucault, Derrida and others, those who engaged and engage in "a generalized assault against the idea of 'representation' - the notion that mind is capable of portraying reality truthfully and objectively". Blanchot, who holds that art is important chiefly as a creator and preserver of silence - in a brief biographical epigraph to The Book to Come he describes his life as "wholly devoted to literature and to the silence unique to it" - is discovered by Wolin writing before the war for "a dizzying array of far-right journals", and calling for a revolution that will be "a series of bloody shocks, a storm that will overwhelm - and thus awaken" the French nation.

Like Paul de Man, who wrote anti-Semitic articles for collaborationist Belgian newspapers and after the war developed an extreme form of deconstructionist criticism which was seen by some - simplistically, surely - as an attempt covertly and symbolically to wipe out his own past, Blanchot in his emphasis on silence and impenetrability might be thought of by those same accusers as seeking quietly to erase past sins. "My supposition," Wolin writes, "is that underlying the theoretical antipathy to 'representation' as a figure for knowledge and truth is a subconscious 'will to nonknowledge': a desire to keep at bay an awareness of unsettling historical complicities, facts, and events."

Is Wolin correct in his views, justified in his judgments? The Seduction of Unreason is a wide-ranging yet subtle consideration of the intellectual's abiding fascination with absolutism, and as such it is a perceptive, compelling and invaluable document. His indignation at the folly and perversity of so many major European thinkers is wholly justified and peculiarly invigorating, and most of his charges against those thinkers seem unanswerable. Yet in his almost triumphalist assertions of "humanism's return" he will seem foolishly overconfident to some, and plain mistaken to others. The opposition to humanism, as contemporary philosophers such as John Gray have shown, is not necessarily a new barbarism, but a new honesty and, dare one say it, a new humility. The Enlightenment brought much darkness; it is possible to see Hitler and Stalin and Mao, with their millennial insistence on human progress and the need for a supra-rational organisation of society, as true sons of le Siecle des Lumieres. On the other hand, it is hard to deny Wolin's contention that "with a self-defeating Nietzschean glibness, postmodernism has burned its bridges to a traditional rhetoric of moral evaluation". But is a "traditional rhetoric" really what we need?

Richard Wolin, The Seduction of Unreason: The Intellectual Romance with Fascism from Nietzsche to Postmodernism.(Book Review) : An article from: French Politics, Culture and Society

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Richard Wolin, The Seduction of Unreason: The Intellectual Romance with Fascism from Nietzsche to Postmodernism.(Book Review) : An article from: French Politics, Culture and Society
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The Seduction of Unreason: The Intellectual Romance with Fascism from Nietzsche to Postmodernism.(Book Review) : An article from: Yale Human Rights and Development Law Journal

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The Seduction of Unreason: The Intellectual Romance with Fascism from Nietzsche to Postmodernism.(Book Review) : An article from: Yale Human Rights and Development Law Journal
Mihailis E. Diamantis
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Title: The Seduction of Unreason: The Intellectual Romance with Fascism from Nietzsche to Postmodernism.(Book Review)
Author: Mihailis E. Diamantis
Publication: Yale Human Rights and Development Law Journal (Magazine/Journal)
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The Seduction of Unreason: The Intellectual Romance with Fascism from Nietzsche to Postmodernism.(Book review): An article from: The Historian

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The Seduction of Unreason: The Intellectual Romance with Fascism from Nietzsche to Postmodernism.(Book review): An article from: The Historian
A. James Gregor
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Title: The Seduction of Unreason: The Intellectual Romance with Fascism from Nietzsche to Postmodernism.(Book review)
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Three Faces of Fascism.(Fascists)(The Anatomy of Fascism)(The Seduction of Unreason: The Intellectual Romance with Fascism from Nietzsche to Postmodernism)(Book ... : An article from: World Policy Journal

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Three Faces of Fascism.(Fascists)(The Anatomy of Fascism)(The Seduction of Unreason: The Intellectual Romance with Fascism from Nietzsche to Postmodernism)(Book ... : An article from: World Policy Journal
Sheri Berman
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Title: Three Faces of Fascism.(Fascists)(The Anatomy of Fascism)(The Seduction of Unreason: The Intellectual Romance with Fascism from Nietzsche to Postmodernism)(Book Review)
Author: Sheri Berman
Publication: World Policy Journal (Refereed)
Date: September 22, 2004
Publisher: World Policy Institute
Volume: 21 Issue: 3 Page: 95(6)

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