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Picking up the thread where her debut memoir-in-comics concluded, Persepolis 2: The Story of a Return details Marjane Satrapi's experiences as a young Iranian woman cast abroad by political turmoil in her native country. Older, if not exactly wiser, Marjane reconciles her upbringing in war-shattered Tehran with new surroundings and friends in Austria. Whether living in the company of nuns or as the sole female in a house of eight gay men, she creates a niche for herself with friends and acquaintances who feel equally uneasy with their place in the world.
After a series of unfortunate choices and events leave her literally living in the street for three months, Marjane decides to return to her native Iran. Here, she is reunited with her family, whose liberalism and emphasis on Marjane's personal worth exert as strong an influence as the eye-popping wonders of Europe. Having grown accustomed to recreational drugs, partying, and dating, Marjane now dons a veil and adjusts to a society officially divided by gender and guided by fundamentalism. Emboldened by the example of her feisty grandmother, she tests the bounds of the morality enforced on the streets and in the classrooms. With a new appreciation for the political and spiritual struggles of her fellow Iranians, she comes to understand that "one person leaving her house while asking herself, 'is my veil in place?' no longer asks herself 'where is my freedom of speech?'"
Satrapi's starkly monochromatic drawing style and the keenly observed facial expressions of her characters provide the ideal graphic environment from which to appeal to our sympathies. Bereft of fine detail, this graphic novel guides the reader's attention instead toward a narrative rich with empathy. Don't be fooled by the glowering self-portrait of the author on the back flap; it's nearly impossible to read Persepolis 2 without feeling warmth toward Marjane Satrapi. --Ryan Boudinot
Book Description
In Persepolis, heralded by the Los Angeles Times as “one of the freshest and most original memoirs of our day,” Marjane Satrapi dazzled us with her heartrending memoir-in-comic-strips about growing up in Iran during the Islamic Revolution. Here is the continuation of her fascinating story. In 1984, Marjane flees fundamentalism and the war with Iraq to begin a new life in Vienna. Once there, she faces the trials of adolescence far from her friends and family, and while she soon carves out a place for herself among a group of fellow outsiders, she continues to struggle for a sense of belonging.
Finding that she misses her home more than she can stand, Marjane returns to Iran after graduation. Her difficult homecoming forces her to confront the changes both she and her country have undergone in her absence and her shame at what she perceives as her failure in Austria. Marjane allows her past to weigh heavily on her until she finds some like-minded friends, falls in love, and begins studying art at a university. However, the repression and state-sanctioned chauvinism eventually lead her to question whether she can have a future in Iran.
As funny and poignant as its predecessor, Persepolis 2 is another clear-eyed and searing condemnation of the human cost of fundamentalism. In its depiction of the struggles of growing up—here compounded by Marjane’s status as an outsider both abroad and at home—it is raw, honest, and incredibly illuminating.
Customer Reviews:
A wonderful read.......2007-09-15
I read 'Persepolis' and 'Persepolis 2', and thoroughly enjoyed both. After living in Uzbekistan for two years, a nation with a similar history and culture as Iran's, I became fascinated with the role of women in Muslim society. As a man, I didn't have many opportunities to understand this world, and it was this curiosity that made me want to read
Ms. Satrapi's graphic novels. Both novels were funny, touching, and poignant.
Fantastic book. One of my favorites.......2007-08-21
I just finished reading Persepolis part 2 (immediately after Persepolis). I absolutely loved both, At times I forgot I was reading a comic strip style book. I just love the writer and her humor and I got a real sense of what Iran was like during the years after the war for young people who were the same age as me at the time.
Amazing.......2007-08-11
After spending several years studying and living a wild lifestyle in Austria, Marjane Satrapi returns to her native Iran, where the effects of the Islamic Revolution are still going strong. Home again, she struggles to find herself, returning to school, falling in love, exploring ideas with new friends, and discovering more about her family's history, all the while trying to avoid The Guardians of the Revolution.
Persepolis 2 is just as enjoyable as the first, and I look forward to reading more of Satrapi's work.
Even better than first Persepolis.......2007-08-10
Marjane Satrapi is reminescent of Marcel Marceau, the famous French mime, able to tell incredible stories visually by touching our hearts through our eyes.
Wonderful!
Decent Followup.......2007-08-09
This book continues where Persepolis left off with Marjane returning home from Austria to attend college. She's returning home to witness the aftermath of the war. The novel wasn't as good as the firs for it focuses on her college relationship with her boyfriend, and basically has a lot of boring parts to it. But, it's a decent followup
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This digital document is an article from Colorlines Magazine, published by Thomson Gale on June 22, 2005. The length of the article is 641 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: Persepolis 2: The Story of a Return and Embroideries.(Book Review)
Author: Azadeh Ensha
Publication:
Colorlines Magazine (Magazine/Journal)
Date: June 22, 2005
Publisher: Thomson Gale
Volume: 8
Issue: 2
Page: 58(1)
Article Type: Book Review
Distributed by Thomson Gale
Average customer rating:
- More about "the cause" than artillery
- Great Ibook about a young Confederate Officer Experience
- A wealth of insights
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Lee's Young Artillerist: William R.J. Pegram (A Nation Divided)
Peter S. Carmichael
Manufacturer: Univ of Virginia Pr
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Binding: Hardcover
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ASIN: 0813916119 |
Customer Reviews:
More about "the cause" than artillery.......2002-11-05
The great strength of this book is in highlighting the ethos of Southern gentlemen like Willy Pegram. Carmichael demonstrates that men like Pegram were engaged in a holy war and as such, performed heroic feats on the battlefield. So if you're one of those people who are still facinated by "the cause" of this war, then this is a book for you. If you're looking for a book on Confederate artillery tactics, techniques, and procedures, however, you'll have to look elsewhere.
Great Ibook about a young Confederate Officer Experience.......2000-12-21
I found this book a very interesting read. In it, Peter Carmichael describes the military career of the young Confederate officer, William Pegram. The books gives a nice overview of his successful role in the Army of Northern Virginia as an artillery officer. Most of the text chronicles Pegram's swift rise through the ranks as he boldly leads his men, cannons, horses and caissons on the battlefield. Mr. Carmichael uses many of Pegram's letters home to tell his story. More importantly, Pegram's view of the war, slavery, and the Confederate Cause, come through as well.
Mr. Carmichael does a fantastic job of revealing how some of the young Confederate officers like Pegram viewed the Civil War. Since most Civil War books focus more on the Generals than the junior officers who actually fought the battles, I felt that this book really brought a new perspective to my understanding of the conflict.
I do not recommend this book for those who do not already possess a good understanding of the Civil War. Instead, I highly recommend this book to anyone who has gained an appreciation for the war, and is looking to find out more about its participants. This book really opened my eyes about "the Southern Cause", and how it meant different things to different people.
A wealth of insights.......1999-01-12
More than just a blood-and-guts biography of a incredibly brave young officer, this book provides really very interesting insight into the minds and motives of educated Southern twentysomethings before and during the war. This is a fine offering from one of the better young historians working today.
Book Description
To say that the world changed drastically on 9/11 has become a truism and even a cliché. But the incontestable fact is that a new era for both the world and U.S. foreign policy began on that infamous day and the ramifications for international politics have been monumental.
In American Foreign Policy in a New Era, one of our leading thinkers in international relations, Robert Jervis, provides us with several snapshots of world politics over the past few years. Jervis brings his acute analysis of international politics to bear on several recent developments that have transformed international politics and American foreign policy including the War on Terrorism; the Bush Doctrine and its policies of preventive war and unilateral action; and the promotion of democracy in the Middle East (including the Iraq War) and around the world. Taken together, Jervis argues, these policies constitute a blueprint for American hegemony, if not American empire. All of these events and policies have taken place against a backdrop equally important, but less frequently discussed: the fact that most developed nations, states that have been bitter rivals, now constitute a "security community" within which war is unthinkable.
American Foreign Policy in a New Era is a must read for anyone interested in understanding the policies and events that have shaped and are shaping U.S. foreign policy in a rapidly changing and still very dangerous world.
Customer Reviews:
American Foreign Policy in a New Era.......2007-09-26
Clear convincing arguments for a change in US foreign policy regarding the future risks and threats.
Poorly Titled and Presented, Narrowly Focused.......2006-05-01
This would have been a three-star review, but as the #1 Amazon reviewer for non-fiction about global issues, I have decided to begin penalizing publishers for low-rent publications that are poorly presented on Amazon--for this book there is no description, no table of contents, no cover (low rent, no jacket hence no cover art, and small print to boot), and so on. This is essentially a 138 page essay with a lot of notes thrown over the transom.
The greatest deficiency, for one who was waiting breathlessly for this great man's appreciation of "American Foreign Policy in a New Era," is that the book turned out to be poorly titled and narrowly focused. This book is essentially a very thoughtful discussion of why the Bush Administration has acted very unwisely in attacking Iraq and failing to pick up on the terrorism warnings from the Clinton Administration.
Unfortunately, the book fails completely to address the *other* nine threats to global stability, within which terrorism falls ninth, just above organized crime. The other global threats that we must address, as identified by LtGen Dr. Brent Scowcroft and other members of the High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges, and Change (A more secure world: Our shared responsibility, United Nations, 2004). They focused, in this order of priority, on: Poverty; Infectious Disease; Environmental Degradation; Inter-State Conflict; Civil War; Genocide; Other Large-Scale Atrocities; Nuclear; radiological; chemical; biological weapons; and (after Terrorism); Transnational organized crime.
Sadly, I was expecting a learned discussion of each of these threats, potential inter-agency and coalition approaches to each of these threats, and a proposed plan of attack such as J. F. Rischard provides in HIGH NOON: 20 Global Problems, 20 Years to Solve Them.
I do not regret buying the book--anything by grand master Robert Jervis is important and worth reading--but he missed a larger opportunity here. Joe Nye's books Understanding International Conflicts and The Paradox of American Power (you can skip the more plebian Soft Power) are better. I also recommend the monograph, available at the Army War College Strategic Studies Institute web site, "Preventive War and Its Alternatives: The Lessons of History," by Dan Reiter, and the recent monograph by Collin Gray, "Irregular Enemies and the Essence of Strategy: Can the American Way of War Adapt?" Both are free, concise, and brilliant.
Summary Of American Foreign Policy in a New Era.......2005-11-29
Robert Jervis contends that the world political system today is fundamentally different from anything that has come before it. His book describes the impact of three significant changes on world politics and the theory of deterrence. He also analyzes the Iraq war and the Bush Doctrine in light of this new paradigm. His purpose for writing this book is (1) to develop his theory of a new paradigm (2) evaluate its impact on world politics and the theory of deterrence and (3) argue against the sustainability of the Bush Doctrine.
Argument:
Jervis acknowledges that his book "explicates and explains more than evaluates and prescribes," (Jervis; 2005: 2). Nevertheless, after outlining his argument for a new paradigm in Chapters One and Two, he devotes the rest of the book to evaluating the Iraq war and deconstructing the Bush Doctrine. The following section will reconstruct the argument that Jervis develops in the first two chapters.
A new paradigm: (Chapters One and Two)
Jervis posits three fundamental changes to the current world political system. The most significant change is the existence of a Security Community comprised of the leading powers that are natural rivals to each other : "This is a change of spectacular proportions, perhaps the single most striking discontinuity that the history of international politics has anywhere provided," (Jervis; 2005: 13). For the first time in the history of the current nation-state system, the leading great powers no longer fear armed conflict with one another. In addition, Jervis notes two other major developments: (1) unchallenged American hegemony or unipolarity and (2) the rise of terrorism and the American response to it.
Jervis maintains that the structural conditions for American hegemony were "produced by the size and vitality of the American economy, the lack of political unity within Europe, and the collapse of the Soviet Union," (Jervis; 2005: 58). Therefore, in many ways America has been acting like a normal state that has gained a position of dominance (Jervis; 2005: 92). However, Jervis argues extensively in Chapter Two that 9/11 has triggered assertive American hegemony. He qualifies this statement by emphasizing that due to structural factors, aggressive US hegemony was "an accident waiting to happen," (Jervis; 2005: 92). In addition, Jervis stresses the significance of critical decisions made by the current administration in response to the terrorist attacks. He notes that "it took both September 11 and the particular outlook of the Bush administration to put the United States on its current path," (Jervis; 2005: 58).
Together, these three phenomena (the SC, American hegemony, and 9/11) have had a major impact on world politics and deterrence. Indeed, Jervis believes that "we are headed for a difficult world, one that is not likely to fit any of our ideologies or simple theories," (Jervis; 2005: 138). Nowhere is the impact more evident than the war in Iraq, which Jervis discusses in Chapter Three.
Impact on World Politics and Deterrence: (Chapter Three)
In Chapter Three Jervis discusses his second point: the impact of the new paradigm on world politics and the theory of deterrence. He focuses his discussion on the Iraq war within the context of deterrence, which he notes, "was the centerpiece of American policy and theorizing during the Cold War but now seems contradicted and denied," (Jervis: 2005: 59).
Jervis contends that the Bush administration falsely assumed that deterrence would not be effective against a nuclear-armed Saddam. He attributes this disbelief to (1) a general skepticism among conservatives for deterrence and (2) the heightened sense of vulnerability created by 9/11. Jervis devotes most of Chapter Three to arguing against President Bush's claim that "after 9/11 the doctrine of containment just doesn't hold any water" (Jervis; 2005: 68). He also sets the stage for his final two chapters.
After a thorough discussion of why deterrence would work, Jervis turns to possible alternatives to the policy. These include the spiral model, a quasi-constitutional order, and the option the Bush administration chose: preventative war. Jervis briefly notes that the concept of preventative war is a central component to the Bush Doctrine, which he examines more fully in Chapter Four.
Deconstructing the Bush Doctrine: (Chapters Four and Five)
Chapter Four is devoted to illuminating the links between 9/11, American hegemony and the Iraq war through an analysis of the Bush Doctrine. As noted, Jervis maintains that 9/11 created a heightened sense of vulnerability in America. The Bush administration reflected this sense of vulnerability in its disillusionment with the theory of deterrence. However, its response to 9/11 was a combination of structural factors (the SC and American hegemony) and the unique perspective of the Administration as manifested in the Bush Doctrine.
Jervis argues the main thrust of the Bush Doctrine is a belief that a state's domestic regime drives its foreign affairs. Evil regimes make evil foreign policy; and since these threats cannot be deterred, the regimes must be changed. Assertive American hegemony is therefore required for both national security and international stability. In sum, Jervis argues that Bush has blended elements of Wilsonian liberalism and the democratic peace theory with realism's primacy of the use of force (Jervis; 2005: 80-83). However, Jervis argues in Chapter Five that the Bush Doctrine is not sustainable.
Jervis begins Chapter Five by first reiterating the importance of the SC in allowing the US preemptive strike. He affirms: "I very much doubt whether the United States would have dared invade Iraq in an era of great-power rivalry," (Jervis; 2005: 104). Nevertheless, it does not follow that the Bush Doctrine can endure, even though no power could prevent the war in Iraq. Jervis maintains that ultimately the Doctrine will collapse of its own weight. His reasons include: (1) the Doctrine's internal contradictions (2) the nature of the American domestic system and (3) the inability of America to understand the actors it views as threats (Jervis; 2005: 104). Jervis concludes by stating that "Bush's policy has left the United States looking neither strong nor benign, and we may find that the only thing worse than a successful hegemon is a failed one," (Jervis; 2005: 138).
Evidence:
A new paradigm: (Chapters One and Two)
Jervis does not provide much empirical evidence to support his claims of a Security Community other than to point out that these states have not gone to war in over fifty years, do not openly advocate war with each other, and do not actively engage in "war gaming" or planning for war with each other. However, he does analyze various theories for why the SC exists, including constructivism, liberalism and realism. He then puts forth his own "synthetic interactive explanation."
The author's argument is comprised of four elements. First, a necessary condition for the SC is the belief that conquest is difficult and war is terribly costly (Jervis; 2005: 26). When the cost-benefit ratio favors conquest, aggression is encouraged. The security dilemma operates "with particular viciousness" in such an environment since even defensive states need to prepare for attack. However, Jervis contends that the expected benefits of war have declined among SC members--largely because they are satisfied with the status quo.
Secondly, peace within the SC brings many gains, especially economic. Despite intense and sometimes nasty trade negotiations, "no one thinks that conquering others would bring more riches than trading with them," (Jervis; 2005: 26). In sum, SC members believe economic interdependence is more positive than negative.
Thirdly, a change in values is central to the rise of the SC. For example, "war is no longer seen as good in itself," thus honor and glory are no longer paramount (Jervis; 2005: 27). Jervis also notes that the SC is "relatively homogeneous in that its members are all democracies and have values that are compatibly similar," (Jervis; 2005: 27). An historical impulse to war has been the desire to change the other country. This desire evaporates when two nations have a shared identity.
Path-dependency is the final element Jervis attributes to the creation of the SC. Without the Cold War, the previously discussed elements would not have overcome the traditional rivalries of the member states. Jervis contends, "the conflict with the Soviet Union produced American security guarantees and an unprecedented sense of common purpose among the states that now form the Community," (Jervis; 2005: 29).
Jervis does not provide any type of quantitative or empirical data to support his claim of a unipolar world either. Instead, he speaks of America's hegemony or unipolarity as if it were an accepted fact. He notes that "with the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the failure of Europe to unite, no state is in a position to challenge the United States in terms of material power, widespread influence, ability to set the framework for debate, and the capability---although in many areas not a willingness-to provide public goods," (Jervis; 2005: 1).
His discussion of the rise of terrorism is more thorough. Jervis acknowledges that terrorism is not new in itself, but 9/11 did differ in the form and scale of the attacks. He pays particular attention to the role fear has played in the Bush administration, which he illustrates through an analysis of senior official's language. He cites several quotes from Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld, and Rice using such terms as: America felt its vulnerability; the world has changed; every threat had to be reanalyzed; the prism of 9/11; the smoking gun might be a mushroom cloud; and imagine September 11 with weapons of mass destruction, (Jervis; 2005: 55-58). Subsequently, Jervis leads his discussion of the effects of fear into his chapter on the Iraq war.
Impact on World Politics and Deterrence: (Chapter Three)
Jervis argues in Chapter Three that the new paradigm (the SC, American hegemony, and 9/11) has had a major impact on World Politics and Deterrence. He focuses his discussion on the war in Iraq and its implications for the theory of deterrence. Having already communicated the role 9/11 (fear) played in the Bush administration, Jervis uses the rhetoric of the administration to demonstrate its disillusionment with the theory of deterrence. Specifically, Jervis maintains that the Bush Administration was concerned with "extended deterrence," or the ability to prevent Saddam from disrupting the region. Drawing on Glenn Snyder's "stability-instability paradox ," Jervis asserts that Bush falsely assumed that America could not contain Saddam.
He then reasons extensively throughout Chapter Three why deterrence would have been effective against Saddam. Jervis does this by first positing arguments against deterrence, and then pointing out their flaws. Arguments that Jervis refutes include: (1) American threats lacked credibility (2) Saddam is an "irrational actor" and (3) Saddam lacks good information, making him "accident-prone" (Jervis; 2005: 65-67). Jervis concludes that even if Saddam had gained nuclear weapons "it is hard to believe that the stability-instability paradox would have strongly inhibited the United States, but not Iraq," (Jervis; 2005: 67). Nevertheless, he acknowledges that what matters is that the Bush administration has rejected the theory of deterrence, opting instead for a policy (the Bush Doctrine) that blends American hegemony with preventative war. Jervis asserts that the Iraq war is the ultimate expression of this doctrine. He confronts this new political posture in the final two chapters.
Deconstructing the Bush Doctrine: (Chapters Four and Five)
Jervis divides Chapter Four into two sections. First, he deconstructs the Bush Doctrine by analyzing the Administration's rhetoric and official policy statements. He describes the Doctrine as having four essential components: (1) a strong belief in Waltz's second image (2) the belief that great threats can only be defeated by vigorous policies (preventative war) (3) a willingness to act unilaterally and (4) an overriding sense that American hegemony is required for international stability (Jervis; 2005: 79).
Secondly, recalling his theory of a new paradigm, Jervis examines the structural factors that allowed for the Bush Doctrine. He does this by providing an historical account of the growth of American hegemony. Jervis does not include any empirical evidence to support his analysis of the structural factors, but instead bases his argument on the relevant principles of realism. These include: (1) power is most effectively checked by counterbalancing (2) a state's interests expand with its power (3) increased relative power brings with it new fears and (4) even states that find the status quo acceptable must worry about the future (Jervis; 2005: 93-95).
In sum, Jervis stresses the mixture of structural factors, 9/11, and the Bush Doctrine to explain current US foreign policy. He relates that "the combination of power, fear, and perceived opportunity lead [the US] to seek to reshape world politics and the societies of many nations," (Jervis; 2005: 96). However, Jervis argues that ultimately the Bush Doctrine is not sustainable.
In his last chapter, Jervis contends that the Bush Doctrine will ultimately collapse of its own weight. His reasons include: (1) the internal contradictions of the doctrine (2) nature of the domestic system (3) limits of the intelligence community and (4) America's inability to understand the actors it views as threats. The author's arguments flow from logical deductions and inference.
For example, Jervis notes that Bush's Wilsonian liberalism requires the assistance and cooperation of other nations. However, the doctrine's assertion of aggressive American hegemony and preference for unilateralism thwarts such collaborative efforts. In addition, the goals of the doctrine are not only extremely ambitious , but the markers for progress are especially difficult to establish. The pluralistic character of the American polity will not permit an extended conflict without some evidence of material improvement (Jervis; 2005: 114). Furthermore, the primacy placed on preventative warfare rests squarely on the capabilities of the intelligence community. The conflict in Iraq demonstrates the infallibility of such a policy. Finally, Jervis relates that unless America can do a better job at comprehending those actors it perceives as threatening, it will have to wage preventative war continuously. Jervis notes that since the end of the Cold War, America's coercive policies have failed five times in moderating another actor's behavior: Panama, Gulf War, Haiti, Kosovo, and Iraq (Jervis; 2005: 127-129).
Book Description
Providing new insight on the intellectual and cultural dimensions of the Cold War, Michael Latham reveals how social science theory helped shape American foreign policy during the Kennedy administration. He shows how, in the midst of America's protracted struggle to contain communism in the developing world, the concept of global modernization moved beyond its beginnings in academia to become a motivating ideology behind policy decisions.
After tracing the rise of modernization theory in American social science, Latham analyzes the way its core assumptions influenced the Kennedy administration's Alliance for Progress with Latin America, the creation of the Peace Corps, and the strategic hamlet program in Vietnam. But as he demonstrates, modernizers went beyond insisting on the relevance of America's experience to the dilemmas faced by impoverished countries. Seeking to accelerate the movement of foreign societies toward a liberal, democratic, and capitalist modernity, Kennedy and his advisers also reiterated a much deeper sense of their own nation's vital strengths and essential benevolence. At the height of the Cold War, Latham argues, modernization recast older ideologies of Manifest Destiny and imperialism.
Customer Reviews:
relevant to our wars.......2005-11-11
This book was published in 2000. Before George Bush became President, and before the terrorist attacks of 2001. There is an ironic aspect to this book, as seen in our current times. The Bush Administration took office deprecating the nation building that its predecessor was wont to favour. Yet, now with American forces in Afghanistan and Iraq, a certain amount of nation building seems inevitable, if only to protect American interests.
Hence, reading the analysis of what Kennedy's Administration did offers a timeliness that Latham probably did not anticipate during his writing. The book describes policies conducted during the Cold War, especially in the then ramping up conflict in Vietnam. Well, the Cold War is over, but there is now another conflict, with another ideology, radical Islam. Maybe the book has useful ideas?
Cutting Edge Work of History.......2003-12-03
Modernization as Ideology provides a lucid account of the way the idea of modernization influenced American foreign policy making during the Kennedy Administration. Latham first provides a history of the evolution of modernization theory within American academia, showing how the ideas first proposed by Edward Shils and Talcott Parsons were modified and adapted by scholars such as Walt Rostow and Marion Levy.
In the next several chapters Latham offers case studies of the ways that modernization influenced American policies. In particular he discusses the Alliance for Progress, the Peace Corps, and the Strategic Hamlet Program in Vietnam. In all of these chapters, Latham effectively demonstrates the significance of modernization to U.S. policy.
The book is worth reading because it provides perhaps the best scholarly evaluation of how the idea of modernization came to influence the conduct of U.S. foreign policy. It is almost always well organized and effectively written.
Book Description
Alanson B. Houghton American industrialist, politician, and diplomat was the world's most influential diplomat during the New Era of the 1920s. Houghton, who served as ambassador to both Germany (1922-25) and Great Britain (1925-29), offers a unique window into the formation and implementation of American foreign policy. This fascinating new text by Jeffrey J. Matthews provides a clear and concise account of Houghton's diplomatic experience and consequently a fresh assessment of U.S. foreign policy during a pivotal decade in world history.
Customer Reviews:
contributing to our understanding of 20th c politics.......2004-12-01
Alanson B. houghton was a name lost as an important player in 20th century American history. Matthews work
helps connect the dots between the end of WW1 and Hitlers' invasion of Poland and illustrates Houghtons'
prescience in world affairs.Wonderfully written piece that weaves the various players in U.S. and European
government into an understandable story of diplomatic successes and failures leading to WW2.
Average customer rating:
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Beyond the Soviet Threat: Rethinking American Security Policy in a New Era
Manufacturer: University of Michigan Press
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Binding: Hardcover
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ASIN: 0472103415 |
Book Description
Explores policy implications of the collapse of the Soviet Union
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Eagle in a New World: American Grand Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era
Kenneth A. Oye , and
Robert J. Lieber
Manufacturer: Addison Wesley Publishing Company
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Book Description
Few United States citizens conceive of their country as an empire, but, as the contributors to Masters of War convincingly argue, the U.S. legacy of military power runs long and deep. Often mobilized in the name of spreading democracy, maintaining international order, and creating the conditions for economic self-determination, constantly expanding global U.S. military power is difficult to characterize as anything but an imperialism bent on global domination.
However, at the same time that the U.S. government hawks rhetoric of human rights and national sovereignty, its dominion has begun breeding widespread resistance and opposition likely to make the twenty-first century an era marked by sustained, and generally unanticipated, "blowback." Presenting a wide range of essays by some of the anti-war movement's most vocal and incisive critics, Masters of War reminds us that worldwide economic and military dominance has its price, both globally and domestically.
Book Description
This is a groundbreaking examination of the past, present, and future of ballistic missile defense from some of today's foremost experts in U.S. security policy and must reading for all those interested in America's defense imperatives in a changing international environment.
Book Description
Here Gordon Orians presents the results of his many years of research on how blackbirds utilize their marsh environments during the breeding season. These results stem from information he gathered on three species during ten breeding seasons in the Pacific Northwest, on Red-winged blackbirds during two breeding seasons in Costa Rica, and on three species during one breeding season in Argentina. Professor Orians concludes with an overview of the structure of bird communities in marshes of the world and the relation of these patterns to overall source availability in these simple but productive habitats.
Books:
- Pope John Paul II: In My Own Words
- Princess: A True Story of Life Behind the Veil in Saudi Arabia
- Prison Writings: My Life Is My Sun Dance
- Return with Honor
- Romo: My Life on the Edge--Living Dreams and Slaying Dragons
- Searching for the Sound: My Life with the Grateful Dead
- She Got Up Off the Couch: And Other Heroic Acts from Mooreland, Indiana
- Shooter: The Autobiography of the Top-Ranked Marine Sniper
- So Far and Yet So Near: Stories of Americans Abroad
- The Autobiography of Malcolm X : As Told to Alex Haley
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