Book Description
By age twelve, Luis Rodriguez was a veteran of East L.A. gang warfare. Lured by a seemingly invincible gang culture, he witnessed countless shootings, beatings, and arrests, then watched with increasing fear as drugs, murder, suicide, and senseless acts of street crime claimed friends and family members.
Before long, Rodriguez saw a way out of the barrio through education and the power of words and successfully broke free from years of violence and desperation. Achieving success as an award-winning Chicano poet, he was sure the streets would haunt him no more -- until his son joined a gang. Rodriguez fought for his child by telling his own story in Always Running, a vivid memoir that explores the motivations of gang life and cautions against the death and destruction that inevitably claim its participants. At times heartbreakingly sad and brutal, Always Running is ultimately an uplifting true story, filled with hope, insight, and a hard-learned lesson for the next generation.
Customer Reviews:
Almost too realistic, yet a must read. .......2007-03-20
I heard this book was good, but didn't know how good it actually was until I read it. There isn't a dull page.
What's most alarming about the book is not necessarily the events that take place, as many movies about this lifestyle have been made since the book's first publishing, sort of numbing the harsh realities of gang life to even outsiders who grew up in secluded suburbs, but the age that Luis Rodriguez actually is when the events are taking place. Some of the day to day drama described in the book is so adult like that you can only picture the subjects of these tales being 18 to 25 years old, yet the reader is often reminded that the author was as young as 14 when some of them took place.
What may also separate the stories told in this book from the stories told in typical 1990s west coast gang folklore, from hip hop to film to books like 'Monster', is the sexual situations Mr. Rodriguez describes that he took part in and witnesses, again, in some cases as young as 14. Some are romantic, and almost remind the reader of a time when romance was first discovered in their lives, yet there are some that are so disturbing that the reader is quickly brought down to earth, reminded that love and romance in a violent, drug infested environment is far different from the kind most Americans have grown to know, that is dictated by Hollywood fairy tales.
Luis Rodriguez finding his outlet from the gang life through art and writing could give hope to any current gang member who happens upon this book. It's one thing for a suburban high school teacher to tell a 'homeboy' that he can express his views through art, it's another for an older 'homeboy' himself to tell him.
A must read for everyone, from suburbanites with little knowledge of the gang life who would like another version than that given by media outlets and law enforcement agencies, where the knowledge tends to be limited to crime reporting and identification of territories and monikers, to kids and adults wrapped up in the gang life, and just looking for any story that can inspire them or give them some kind of direction to a better life.
The Definitive Account of Barrio Life........2007-02-19
What more is needed to say about this memoir? This is singlehandedly one of the most powerful memoirs I have ever read and that goes without saying. I was born and raised in the San Gabriel Valley, the same one that Rodriguez builds and describes and I can honestly say he is completely spot on. About? Everything. The racial, identity, and sexual struggle that Rodriguez weaves in this story is compelling and really grabbed me and immersed me into his life. This memoir says what there is to be said, and it says a lot.
best book ever.......2007-02-09
this os the best book i have ever read next to tommyland very different but bolth very good books
Poorly written.......2006-12-13
I suppose one of the editorial reviews summed it up nicely.
"...Mexican funerals, rapes and arrests, but his writing style renders much of that rich material forgettable."
Copyright 1993 Reed Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
I was very much interested in the topic, yet the rambling, writing style of Luis Rodriguez
made for a disappointing experience.
Always Running.......2006-12-07
We believe that every teen should be given the opportunity to read Always Running. Luis J. Rodriguez grew up in East L.A in the 60's and 70's. This book is his life story describing all the situations he went thru as a cholo; the sex, drugs, violence, and parties. His style of writing is hypnotizing due to the vivid descriptions that create an amazing picture in your mind. As a result, you won't want to put the book down. However, readers beware; Always Running contains graphic descriptions that some readers may find as inappropriate.
Customer Reviews:
I can't believe how RARE this edition is!.......2007-09-18
My daughter Holly asked me to list a few books that she had on [...]. When I went to list this book I was amazed to discover that this specific printing was not available at all. I presume that the cover illustration by Julie Scott has caused some sort of controversy -- a cartoonish caricature of a Latino with angel wings, striking a pose with doubled fisticuffs, and one raised eye that is cautiously peering over a shoulder. Did I mention the "black" tatoo of a cross on his right bicep (we all know the origin of "black" tatoos, don't we!) You may have to look high and low for another copy of this edition. Or look no further and get this sole (or should I say "solomente"?) offering.
Book Description
Most Americans regarded Antonio López de Santa Anna as a villain for his brutal assault on the Alamo in 1836. What many don’t realize is that few individuals have caused their own nation greater pain. He lost one-third of Mexico’s territory in wars, sold almost another 30,000 square miles while pocketing most of the money, and repeatedly bankrupted the nation. His extravagance was legendary, as testified to by the burial of his amputated leg at the nation’s great expense. He served as his country’s president eleven different times in a span of thirty years and was constantly involved in devious political intrigue. Yet, in spite of his failings and notorious reputation today, Santa Anna was often viewed by his people as a hero and savior. Robert Scheina analyzes this complex man and provides a solid overview of Mexico’s political history against the fabric of social and cultural turmoil.
Customer Reviews:
"Most Serene Highness".......2003-01-05
When I got this book the Mexican-American woman who sold it to me had a disgusted look on her face,"Why do you want to read about him." Feeling that she had about as much affection for him as most have for Hitler I told her simply ,"because he was a bad guy", to which she nodded and approved. I took my book sheepishly but unappologeticly. As I began to read I became fascinated rather than disgusted with the man. Given the circumstances of early Mexico , fresh from a break with Spain, this poor country needed a unifying Caudillo and Santa Ana was the man to run the country, 11 times as a matter of fact! The author explains the poitical times quite apptly and summarily.This is a book that can be read in one sitting or over several short reading periods. Concise and informative it delivers a portrait of a man destined to rule, often by ruthless and self serving means who although not detailed apparently enjoyed cockfighting tremendously and loved to gamble. In spite of his eventual bad guy role in Mexican(and U.S.) history he was able to resurface over and over because of his cunning guile and military achievements. The author has done an outstanding job for the armchair historian, bringing the man to life vivdly with pages of details on his "achievements" without taking a stance. I could not be so kind. The portrait of the ruthless Caudillo is given in terms of his military achievements and their impact on history, specifically between Mexcio and the U.S. Most famous to Americans for the Alamo he is more well known and detested among Mexicans on both sides of the border as the sellout who conceded the vast territories that included California,Texas aand other pats of the southwest, including lands sold in the Gadsen Purchase. Eventually this man got what he deserved as he died poor after squanderng away the millions he stole from the Mexican people but the damage he did changed the destinies of two countries. Recommended for a quick read on an interesting but detestable character who is responsible for the growth of one nation and the schrinking of another. The footnotes abound like a college text, which is helpful if further reading is needed but the bibliography is the real gem and is quite exceptional and extensive. Recommended for history buffs.
Short, Yet Superb Biography of a Controversial Figure.......2002-06-23
This is a superb short military/political biography of a controversial figure. Santa Anna does not fall in my main area of historical work, but given the significant impact he had on US history I have always wanted to read more about him. This book fills the bill perfectly. I say this for three reasons.
1.) Writing historical biographies is a difficult business, especially when trying to keep it concise. I would rather write a 500-page bio than a 100-page bio, it is very hard to get at the significance of a controversial figure, who did so much, in so short a space. But Scheina has done it and done it well. Although the book is subtitled, "A Curse Upon Mexico," and I agree with this general assessment, Scheina presents a very fair biography. Santa Anna could be horribly cruel and extremely generous, heroic and cowardly on the field of battle, shrewd and foolish, savvy and blinded by his ego. Scheina puts it all together -- the good, and the bad, and he puts Santa Anna into military, political, social, and economic context of his times. He has no ax to grind. What a nice change of pace from some recent bios I have read!
2.) Scheina clearly explains the significance of Santa Anna for Mexican history, and thus for other fields, e.g., US history, military history, etc. He writes well, is quite articulate, and the book makes for a good quick read. But then again, it might actually be tough to write a dull book about such a fascinating character. (In 1834 Santa Anna had the distinction of having launched a coup against himself!)
3.) Don't be fooled by the compact size. Everything that needs to be covered is, and the thirteen pages of endnotes provide just what one needs for pursuing aspects of Santa Anna's career in further detail. (The book also has a useful biography, an index, and helpful illustrations on glossy paper.)
I have read pieces of Scheina's work before, but never one of his books. Now I see why he has such a solid reputation, and I look forward to reading the survey history of Latin American warfare he has been working on, which will be published in the latter half of 2002.
This is the second of the books in the Brassey's Military Profiles series that I have read (the other was Farragut by Robert Schneller). Both were excellent, and I will be looking forward to reading more from this series in the future. Given their size, I can also recommend them as very good for course adoptions.
Book Description
Many important questions regarding the creation and adoption of the United States Constitution remain unresolved. Did slaveholdings or financial holdings significantly influence our Founding Fathers' stance on particular clauses or rules contained in the Constitution? Was there a division of support for the Constitution related to religious beliefs or ethnicity? Were founders from less commercial areas more likely to oppose the Constitution? To Form a More Perfect Union successfully answers these questions and offers an economic explanation for the behavior of our Founding Fathers during the nation's constitutional founding. In 1913, American historian Charles A. Beard controversially argued in his book An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States that the framers and ratifiers of the Constitution were less interested in furthering democratic principles than in advancing specific economic and financial interests. Beard's thesis eventually emerged as the standard historical interpretation and remained so until the 1950s. Since then, many constitutional and historical scholars have questioned an economic interpretation of the Constitution as being too narrow or too calculating, believing the great principles and political philosophies that motivated the Founding Fathers to be worthier subjects of study. In this meticulously researched reexamination of the drafting and ratification of our nation's Constitution, Robert McGuire argues that Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, George Mason and the other Founding Fathers did act as much for economic motives as for abstract ideals. To Form a More Perfect Union offers compelling evidence showing that the economic, financial, and other interests of the founders can account for the specific design and adoption of our Constitution. This is the first book to provide modern evidence that substantiates many of the overall conclusions found in Charles Beard's An Economic Interpretation while challenging and overturning other of Beard's specific findings. To Form a More Perfect Union presents an entirely new approach to the study of the shaping of the U.S. Constitution. Through the application of economic thinking and rigorous statistical techniques, as well as the processing of vast amounts of data on the economic interests and personal characteristics of the Founding Fathers, McGuire convincingly demonstrates that an economic interpretation of the Constitution is valid. Radically challenging the prevailing views of most historians, political scientists, and legal scholars, To Form a More Perfect Union provides a wealth of new findings about the Founding Fathers' constitutional choices and sheds new light on the motivations behind the design and adoption of the United States Constitution.
Customer Reviews:
A Compelling & Thorough Look at the Economic Interpretation.......2004-01-31
"In To Form a More Perfect Union, Robert A. McGuire attempts to provide the first solid modern analysis to quantify the impact of the personal economic interests of the Founding Fathers on the structure and content of the U.S. Constitution. Readers familiar with the literature in this area will immediately, and correctly, associate this book with Charles A. Beard's Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States (New York: Macmillan, [1913] 1935). In that book, Beard concludes that the delegates' personal interests shaped their behavior with respect to the drafting and the ratification of the U.S. Constitution. His hypothesis was generally accepted until the 1950s, when most scholars began to question the analysis. An onslaught of counterevidence came during the 1950s and early 1960s, and today most academics believe that Beard's original interpretation was too narrow and that the general political philosophies of the Founding Fathers had greater importance in determining the nature and contents of the U.S. Constitution.
"McGuire essentially resurrects Beard's hypothesis and offers substantial evidence in favor of the view that the Founding Fathers' personal interests had a significant influence on the process of constitutional design and ratification. In light of the substantial body of empirical evidence this book provides, it is likely to bring the personal interest view back into widespread acceptance among academics. Although McGuire draws some of the analysis presented in the book from his previously published journal articles, at least half of what he offers is new and original. What makes the book so compelling is the use of today's significantly better empirical methodology to analyze data, in contrast to the techniques available during the 1950s, when the counterevidence to Beard's hypothesis was presented.
"Readers searching for a middle ground in the debate over whether personal self-interest shaped the U.S. Constitution will find refuge in this book. McGuire repeatedly makes clear that these personal interests were relevant at the margin in the Founding Fathers' decision calculus and that many other factors (such as general political philosophy) influenced these individuals' overall behavior. Among the most compelling findings: (1) personal interests played a bigger role in the specific content of the U.S. Constitution than in the document's overall design; and (2) the framers' debt holdings and slave ownership and the degree of commercialization in their local communities are significantly correlated with their observed behavior and, hence, with the content of the constitution they produced....
"One of the book's strengths is the amount of underlying background data and statistics provided. For example, McGuire includes tables that show not only each individual delegate's vote on an issue (the data used for the dependent variable), but also the predicted probability of a yes vote for that delegate from the estimated logistic regression model. As anyone who has estimated a logistic regression model knows, it is possible for these models to fit well overall but still do a poor job of predicting individual votes. Throughout the book, however, McGuire provides the evidence necessary to comfort readers worried about such potential problems. The book's main weakness is that at times it becomes rather lengthy and dull, but this aspect is simply a cost of being thorough, which is necessary in this case because of the controversial nature of the theory being tested.
"For the great number of readers who are likely to use the results of the book as a single-sentence footnote or reference in their own research, the eleven-page prologue provides all of the background and summary information necessary to make an informed citation of the work. The remaining three hundred or so pages merely fill in the sufficient details to support these conclusions. In that sense, the book reminds me somewhat of Bjorn Lomborg's Skeptical Environmentalist (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
"Had I been a reviewer for the book prior to its publication, the only suggestion I might have offered to improve it would have been for the author to include a fuller discussion of the debate surrounding the adequacy and structure of the document that preceded the U.S. Constitution, the Articles of Confederation.... Had McGuire presented this discussion, he would have provided a fitting framework in which to view the Founding Fathers' choices as marginal institutional changes relative to the existing constitutional order.
"To Form a More Perfect Union undoubtedly will elicit additional research in this highly debated area of constitutional research. Future research will benefit from the 122 pages of raw data and empirical results provided as appendix material. McGuire's book most likely will meet with a better initial acceptance than Beard's book received (it was banned from high school libraries in Seattle and condemned by President Taft and by the president of Beard's own university).
"One important implication of McGuire's book is that the condition of a Rawlsian `veil of ignorance,' putatively necessary to produce a `just' social contract, is not and cannot be satisfied in reality. Any constitution or social contract will be shaped by its designers' individual self-interests. Modern public-choice scholars who favor theories based on the premise of methodological individualism will find comforting reassurance as they read To Form a More Perfect Union."
------------------------------
Excerpted from a review by Russell S. Sobel in "The Independent Review," Winter 2004.
Book Description
This famous study — one of the most influential in the area of American economic history — brought a halt to Americans' uncritical reverence for their country's revolutionary past. Questioning the Founding Fathers' motivations in drafting the Constitution, it viewed the results as a product of economic self-interest. Perhaps the most controversial books of its time.
Customer Reviews:
Just because you're paranoid...........2006-05-05
A noted historian of the early twentieth century, Charles Beard was notorious for his non-traditional interpretations of economics as the driving force behind major historical events. In 1913, at the time of the original publication of this book, he was even considered to be a bit radical. Certainly, the main thrust of his monograph ruffled a few feathers, as it called into question the motives of our founding fathers, placing their feet firmly on mortal, fallible, self-interested grounds, as opposed to the lofty pedestals where they were usually enshrined.
Beard argued that although the delegates to the Convention had many diverse interests, they could actually be grouped into two main categories of economic self-interests: mercantile and land ownership. From a detailed analysis of their biographies, Beard identified a pattern that indicated an economic line of demarcation between Federalists and Anti-Federalists. Those with large property assets or investments in trade unanimously supported the fledgling Constitution, while its chief detractors were the debtors, that majority of new Americans who were among the "have-nots" and who placed more faith in the loose confines of the Articles of Confederation.
This book offers a compelling array of data, which the author himself refers to as a "long and arid survey' with the "nature of a catalogue". However, far from benumbing the mind of the reader, this use of simple exposition allows one to assess the proffered information and arrive on one's own at a conclusion that validates the author's thesis. Beard lists the material assets of each delegate, as well as their class status; not one was from a farming or mechanical class. Paired with evidence that many (including George Washington) were land speculators in the Northwest Territory, and that the implementation of the Articles of Confederation suppressed land values, a damning stain of greed and self-interest threatens to taint the motives behind the drafting of the Constitution.
Beard goes as far as to intimate that the creation of a constitutional government was in effect a "coup d'etat" in which a wealthy interested minority abused and exceeded the authority granted them by the government in order to create a legal document which would bolster their businesses and profits. Evidence is supplied that indicates delegates were restricted by property ownership, cash assets, and in some states by religion. Clearly, only a certain type of man was to be permitted to have a voice in the decision. When the debate opened up upon the quest for ratification, Beard offers anecdotal evidence of goon squads and thuggery to force votes into the Federalist camp. Clearly, this is a view of the nation's origins that goes against primary school heroic notions of 1787.
The most surprising thing about this book is that it was originally written in 1913. Charles Beard was often considered to be controversial amongst his fellow historians. Yet this monograph is shocking in that it is basically an accusation that the founding fathers indulged in a self-motivated and greedy overthrow of a government, which although weak and decentralized, was the preference of the downtrodden masses. He indicates that simply because future generations may have benefited from the decision s taken in 1787, the decisions were not necessarily just.
In an era where conspiracy theories abound and Americans are ever eager to point the finger of blame at any select few, this book seems to fit popular tastes. Yet it would be foolish to dismiss the evidence supplied in this text as pure conjecture or the patterns as easy coincidence. Even today this founding document can be used to interpret the rights of the individual as equal to the rights of a corporation; surely it must have had in its origins the seeds of economic self-interest. Based on the conclusions made apparent in this book, it is hard not to view the Constitution as an economic document, securing in cold verbiage the rights of the wealthy creditors, while incidentally providing for the protection of the debtors. Madison's noble sentiments in Federalist #10 ring hollow when taken in equal parts with Charles Beards Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States.
A Good Place to Begin Thinking About What it Means to be an American.......2006-02-23
Jumping to the end of Charles Beard's book, his conclusions state the following:
i) The US constitution was enacted to protect the interests of: a) the moneyed classes (the rich), b) the bond and stock holding classes (the rich speculators), c) the manufacturing interests (rich capitalists), and trade and shipping interests (the rich capitalist speculators).
ii) The constitution was the result of an elite group of men representing the aforementioned interests.
iii) The constitutional convention held in Philadelphia was organized undemocratically by the aforementioned elite group of men to secure the aforementioned interests.
iv) Those not holding the aforementioned interests (the poor) were excluded from participation in the constitutional process.
v) Those participating in the Philadelphia convention personally benefited from the outcome of that convention (the constitution).
vi) The US constitution is a document protecting private property rights over that of a democratic people and/or its government.
vii) These assertions are on record as evidenced by the property and monetary interests of those who proposed and passed the US constitution.
viii) In the ratification of the US constitution, 3/4 of the qualified voters were excluded by some means or another, aiding the 1/4 who benefited from the passage of the constitution.
ix) The ratification of the US constitution was further narrowed down to where only 1/6 of the qualified voters participated in its passing.
x) Therefore, the majority of qualified voters did not participate in the ratification of the US constitution.
xi) This 1/6 who ratified the constitution were the same minority who held large holdings in money, bonds and stocks, manufacturing, and trade and shipping.
xii) The main societal divisions in the ratification of the US constitution were among classes cited in i) and the farming and debtor classes at that time.
xiii) The constitution was therefore not created by "the people," but by the those motivated by the monetary interests cited in i).
To see why Beard thought this you must read this book, which is a laundry list of those participating in the Philadelphia convention and the ratification process, and a catalogue of their documented monetary interests.
After reading Beard, then you can read the introduction by Forrest McDonald holding Beard's thesis up to the crucible of historical criticism.
After reading Beard and McDonald you can begin to reflect on the implications of Beard's materialist hypothesis and the host of corroborating and refuting philosophical considerations, then form your own conclusions, then repeat the cycle over and over.
This is probably a good departure point to begin examining your personal beliefs and expectations of what it means to be an American.
For Every Student of US History.......2005-11-04
Obviously, the top 500 reviewer Ryan Setliff has not read the book. His review stated
"_This book basically puts forward a theory that the founders just established the Constitution for their own personal economic gain._ This book is well-researched, but its premise is totally flawed. Moreover, it tries to portray all of the founding fathers as self-serving and looking out for their own economic interests."
Had Ryan read the book, he might have know that Charles himself says on page 73:
"The purpose of such an inquiry is not, of course, to show that the Constitution was made for the personal benefit of the members of the Convention." Beard explains, also on page 73, that he is trying to show, by researching the personal economic statuses of the members of the convention, that the members belonged to the "four [socioeconomic] groups... [that] were adversly affected by the government under the articles of Confederation, and that [the] economic motives [of those socioeconomic groups] were behind the movement for a recontstruction of the system..."
It is most unfortunate that seemingly educated people deride this book without having read it, and doubly so since it is such a valuable work, still accessible and readable today.
The real story, told by a brave man, an essential book for all,.......2005-08-20
Beard was a courageous man, not afraid to say the truth, not afraid to look into reality of American life and see the abuse of power, the denial of justice, and the real social interests at stake. This book establishes the real context of the constitution, displacing the usual hero worship of the "founders" as demigods and showing them as real men who served their class interests. Beard situates the constitutional convention in the great social struggles that went on in the period after the achievement of independence. Without such an understanding the struggle over the adoption of the constitution, and the role of the Bill of Rights are simply not understandable.
Post independence America was a place of economic crisis for the farmers, workers, and small tradesmen who had been the bulwark of the revolutionary struggle. Montarization of economic exchange in villages and towns where a large amount of the exchange had been based on barter, a massive inflation, and a growth of the power of the banks and other money lenders spread like a plague, particularly in the Northern States, especially New England. Farmers were losing their land; tradesmen were losing their shops; goods not made on the farms and villages became too expensive for many working people and farmers.
The power of the state governments, squarely in the hands of the merchants and planters, stood behind the seizure of the lands of farmers who could no longer pay the banks and merchants. Farmers and small tradesmen rose against this. Desperate farmers and their supporters shut down courts that met to authorize confiscation of farms. With no Bill of Rights, in Massachusetts set up kangaroo courts made up of merchants and bankers that made no attempt to be fair to the farmers. Newspapers and speakers who criticized the state government and the banks and big merchants were charged with treason.
Full-scale civil war broke out in Massachusetts, with the plebian rebels coming close--it is said only prevented by the delay of one detachment by a snowstorm--to seizing the national arsenal in Springfield. It was these threats to property that threatened the power of the wealthy and the order that had been established after the revolution. This is why the constitutional convention gathered, not some abstract interest in more ethereal and philosophical forms of government.
Whatever is said about divine motivations, the constitutional convention which gathered the wealthy and powerful, would have had to have been a bunch of insane dreamers, not to have had the interests of their wealth and power first in their minds in this situation. This Beard shows with abundant documentation.
Beard documents that this was by and large a gathering of the wealthy men of the country who had profited from the revolution and who had profited by the economic disaster farmers and tradesmen faced by buying up certificates for land in compensation for services to the revolution, many farmers and tradesmen had to sell in order to keep their own land. Beard indicates that the concern for a secure state that could safeguard these interests was the dominant question for constitutional convention. He also notes that the few delegates who were sympathetic to the popular struggle opposed the constitution. Others among the leaders of the American Revolution who opposed this trend stayed away.
Beard's book has been pilloried because it challenges the public myth about the constitution and the government that is needed to maintain the continued rule of the wealthy and powerful
The constitutional convention did not write a democratic constitution. There is no provision for national elections. There are only provisions for the state legislatures to select electors that would meet to select the president in what the constitutional convention thought would be another gathering of the wealthy and powerful.
The Bill of Rights was not part of the constitution they wrote or proposed. This was not an oversight, but because the authors of the constitution did not support these rights or democracy as it is understood today. As I mentioned above, in Massachusetts rather than a "jury of their peers," farmer rebels were tried by juries packed with merchants and bankers; rebels in Western farming communities like Springfield and Pittsfield were tried by juries from Boston. In states like Connecticut and Massachusetts, the Congregationalist church was an established church and membership in it was required to vote. Writers and speakers could be charged with treason for attacking the state governments.
Most people in the United States opposed the constitution that came out of the Philadelphia convention. Many cited as "founders" opposed it. The bill of rights was proposed as a compromise addition to safeguard the rights of the popular majority. Without it, the constitution would not have passed.
Even so, many provisions of the Bill of Rights were not actively enforced, some until the 20th Century. The establishment of religion continued in Connecticut and Massachusetts as states until 1820s and 1830s, and establishment of the Congregational churches by town government continued in many areas of New England until the late 19th and in a few places the early 20th century!!! Massachusetts's courts still charged and convicted newspapers for blasphemy in the 1840s.
Popular voting without property, religious, or other qualifications was not me insured in this constitution. This came only with the amendments others that followed the Civil War, which Beard famously termed The Second American Revolution.
Beard tells the real story here. For that, he was pilloried. Similarly, during and after WWII he documented, using congressional hearing testimony for the most part, how Roosevelt took the US into the Second World War. Again he was pilloried with new attacks generated against this book, even though this was written decades before.
We are lucky for a man like Beard who wasn't afraid to tell the truth, even when the truth clashed with myths that are propagated in the interests of the billionaires who run this society.
Classic Text.......2005-04-13
Charles Beard caused a minor scandal when this book was published in 1913. He argued that the Founding Fathers had foisted the Constitution on the country in order to protect their property interests in land and public securities. This was strong medicine 90 years ago when the public still thought of the Founders as demigods rather than conspiratorial politicians.
Despite its age, the book reads well and is refreshingly iconoclastic. Since rightwing politicians and jurists still talk as if the Constitution had a divine origin, Beard's message hasn't lost its relevance. However, there's no denying that his book is a one-sided lawyer's brief, which selects and presents only the evidence that supports its thesis while ignoring everything else. No one who has read The Federalist would even recognize Beard's description of it.
Modern readers who want a balanced and comprehensive history of the origins of the Constitution should look to books by Forrest MacDonald or other historians.
Book Description
In this work, Robert E. Brown applies the fruits of modern historical scholarship toward an understanding of Beard's groundbreaking and controversial work. With a perspective of forty years, Brown attempts to separate the valid from the bogus in this work.
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- Superlative depictions of American birds
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Wild Birds of America: The Art of Basil Ede
Robert McCracken Peck
Manufacturer: Harry N Abrams
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Customer Reviews:
Superlative depictions of American birds.......1999-03-24
Basil Ede has a painterly eye and a craftsman's approach to painting birds. His water colors are remarkable for their fidelity to nature. Every feather is delineated, every pose natural, every background authentic.
Mr. Ede's water colors are now collector's items, as he has been unable to paint in that medium since his stroke about ten years ago. Amazingly, this right-handed artist taught himself to paint left-handed and now produces oils that are, if it is possible, better than the water colors of his youth.
If you like birds, you must own this book.
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- Blood Done Sign My Name: A True Story
- Bode: Go Fast, Be Good, Have Fun
- Born On The Fourth Of July
- Boyd: The Fighter Pilot Who Changed the Art of War
- Bruchko
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